replace images and symbols41 of divine meaning and valuable communications to the black Igbo and impose the white European non-sensetical and non-communicable images and symbols in the Igbo church and governance. The decentralization that the Igbo Ohacracy proposes is therefore to be based on the rebirth of the Igbo symbolic images to come alive in the Catholic Church governance. It must be painfully noted though that these ‘imposed images’ of the Western Church culture has watered dawn the entire Supreme Being images held in high positions among the Igbo Ohacracy. And the task of African Renaissance theory is to restore these images for the Igbo to become truly Catholic and truly Igbo in worship and governance.
While this study insists on African Renaissance that thinks of a true African life which is realized in unity, communalism and visionary purposefully driven, various African cultural thought systems hold indigenous Africans together just like the Igbo Ohacracy system. This is in agreement with Matunhu (2011:71) who argues that:
Therefore, development and poverty reduction strategies for Africa must be informed and embroiled in the African values like ‘Ubuntu’ in South Africa,
‘Humwe’ in Zimbabwe, ‘Harambee’ in Kenya and ‘Ujamahaa’ in Tanzania (or even the Umunna concept among the Igbo)42. The model –African Renaissance- rejects the mainstream growth (modernity) and dependency paradigms because they exacerbate poverty and fail to appeal to the African value system. …
Concluding on this matter, Matunhu (2010) recommends that African Renaissance must be such that it reclaims the African identity and African values. The African Renaissance unlike its predecessors (modernity and dependency theories), “advocates for local solutions, pluralism, community-based solutions and reliance on local resources. Therefore the critical issue here is ‘transformation’ for the future depends on achieving the transformation of institutions, technology, values and behaviour consistent with ecological and social realities in Africa” (Matunhu 2010:71).
4.7 Catholicism on Slavery and Colonialism: An Igbo Ohacracy Experience
observes that, colonialism, slave trade and missionary are the platform upon which the Western civilization and culture became established among the Igbo and elsewhere in Africa.
Both colonialism and slavery therefore became the vehicle of implantation of western cultural imperialism among the Igbo of South-eastern Nigeria; and most importantly, religion or missionary enterprise flourished. In what he described as ‘greed and violence’ (Cadorette 2009) narrates a very horrific picture and image of how Catholic governance co-operated with colonialism under the pretence of bringing the Good News to any none European society or nations. Cadorette (2009:183) notes that the European powers had carved up large chunks of Africa and Asia creating the comparable of geopolitical vacuum cleaners that extracted natural resources with ruthless efficiency. Colonialism and its imperial ways were often justified in the name of “civilizing” and “Christianizing” unenlightened non-Europeans. The colonial armies provided protection for the missionaries in their claimed spreading of the Gospel.
With such claims of having saved the Igbo from its own man made evils, the British would say the Igbo fell from their grace when they refused to leave their destiny in their experienced hands while justifying slavery and colonialism. The question that remains is: How can anyone justify one evil with another cruelty against human dignity and freedom? It is true of the evil that existed in the pre-colonial periods of the Igbo life (like in any other traditional society) but still it does not justify slavery and imperialism that have left horrific and bitter taste in the mouth of the Igbo and other Africans in general to this day. In refuting this lie on the Igbo as portrayed above Searle (2007:50) cites Achebe’s writings who observes: “…I would be quite satisfied if my novels…did no more than teach my readers that their past…was not one long night of savagery from which the first Europeans acting on God’s behalf delivered them.”
However, a lot of negativity and violence had been written about these two ugly experiences for the Igbo as Uzukwu (1996) notes elsewhere recommending that a ‘positive and creative memory’ should be read around colonialism and slavery. This is so because the two exploitative experiences can always generate negative and violent emotions that do not contribute meaningfully and valuably towards the future and growth of any society. Yet the memories and historic fact of western slavery and colonialism of the Igbo remains valuable to the generations yet unborn so that the mistakes of the past should not be repeated or ignored.
To this fact, Uzukwu (1996:20) concludes that we do not remember in order to reproduce (revenge) the hates, the violence, and the corruption which characterized our past. Rather, should serve the order not to repeat such abominations. It should transform such latent forces
of domination. Memory should seek the empowerment of the weak, as it aims to the transformation of the universe.
To elaborate further, the positive and creative memory should not be taken for granted or misplaced since it is able to relapse to negativity or violence between two opposing parties.
This is clear in today’s world where the West have become insensitive or numb towards the African continent (and the Igbo in particular), on issues around the economy, socio-political, educational and or religious policies, where they still interfere and dominate in decisions for their selfish and self-centred gratifications. With such power intoxication around any of the above mentioned aspects of life, may of course trigger the danger for perpetual enslavement and colonization of the Igbo and the entire African continent in general. In other words, the creativity in and around the history and reconciliation of the West and the Igbo on slavery and colonialism, must be the type of respect and acknowledgement of each other’s independent of the other. Though economic and socio-political collaboration and co-operation with the Western world still goes on with the Igbo Ohacracy order; should not be aimed at keeping the umbilical cord of slavery and colonialism still flowing in the Igbo Ohacracy Church governance. Hence, the urge to hurry towards the theology of inculturation and the call for rebirth or African renaissance has become ever louder than before.
The Catholic Church’s direct or indirect involvement on slavery and colonialism is very vivid in the European history and in particular the absolute monarchical Portuguese regime of the 15th century. The monarchy was said to have received enormous support from the sacred power of the church. As Uzukwu (1996) notes, Pope Nicholas V in 1454 issued a bull Romanus Pontifex, by which he granted the king of Portugal the control of trade along the west coast of Africa in which, ‘…the slaves who would be brought back from the Guinea coast would be baptized and won for Christ’ (1996:21). Such was the nature of early Roman Catholic contact with the Igbo and Africans around the coast of Guinea for the next 300 years later when Popes Urban VIII (1639) and Gregory XVI (1839) condemned slavery in its entirety.
Having survived the modern period in history, Daniel Camboni in 1870 implored the Catholic Church for total eradication of slavery in the Vatican 1st Council. He pleaded thus with the council Fathers: “…to lift the curse on the children of Ham, a curse through which the Almighty had been punishing the sons and daughters of Africa with a cruelty unknown in the
history of the human race” (Uzukwu 1996:22 and Bruder 2008:37-49). Regrettably, both mission and colonialism coincide and was happening when in the Berlin Conference of 1884- 1885 Africa was partitioned to the benefit of the colonizers (Searle 2007:50).
It was such brutality and violence the Igbo suffered that with fear, distrust and trembling knees that they accepted Catholicism that became firmly established in the native Igbo environment when the missionaries suddenly appeared in 1857, forcing yet the new religious faith onto the local people. Catholicism (Christianity) as noted by Arowolo (2010:10) became the most single factor in the process of Westernization or rather, colonialism in Africa and the Igbo in particular. Hence, Western education, religion and of course language remain the biggest entry points of colonialism that suppressed the Igbo Ohacracy indigenous model of common participation in day to day activities in the Igbo communities.
Part of this association was intended ‘to civilize the Africans through western education’
through mission schools run by the missionaries by which new culture was introduced and imposed on the Igbo and Africans in general. The Igbo world changed since a new world of the West was being forced onto the Igbo. Finally, Uzukwu (1996:30) recommends strongly that this close bond between the Christian religious governance (namely Catholicism) and the political powers in the subjugation of Africa must not be forgotten in the effort for the restoration of the continent. In the stance of this study both the inculturation theology and African rebirth as noted above play an important role to redefine the Igbo identity to itself and its cosmology in order to realize the fundamental nature of the Igbo Ohacracy determination.
Chapter Summary
This chapter four has introduced the Igbo Ohacracy philosophy of governance by which Igbo historical experiences is presented. Indeed to understand the Igbo Ohacracy practises of intense individual and group participation in governance, one should consider its historical origins as explained in this chapter. This chapter by utilizing the Igbo Ohacracy cultural heritage, economic influences, religious belief systems etc., has introduced a very clear objective process of dialogue, listening and consensus in decision making in the social order.
The next chapter five will continue to discuss participation in governance among the Igbo communities by presenting the Ohacracy institutions and symbols of governance.
CHAPTER FIVE
INSTITUTIONS AND SYMBOLS: TOWARDS A LAY
PARTICIPATORY MODEL OF GOVERNANCE AMONG THE IGBO OF SOUTH-EASTERN NIGERIA
5.1 Introduction
Chapter five explains the Igbo institutions that form the basis of individual and group participation in the Ohacracy decentralised model of governance. While the chapter focuses on symbols and institutions of the Igbo Ohacracy, the chapter mainly aims at illustrating and demonstrating the symbolic meanings and roles of the institutions that exist among the Igbo people in view of achieving meaningful governance. With this in mind, the chapter discusses the structures within the Igbo Ohacracy order while focusing on the family as a basic institution among others. This chapter also aims at explaining how the laity could participates and contribute meaningfully in the Church structure and governance in reference to Vatican II within the Igbo indigenous governance and Catholic Church model of governance. The chapter therefore explained the Igbo Ohacracy symbols and institutions with an aim of illustrating and demonstrating the symbolic elements and roles of the institutions that exist among the Igbo people in aiding and supporting the laity to participate and contribute meaningfully in the Catholic Church structures of governance with reference to Vatican II (AA, 2-4 and 8). By so doing the objective of this chapter is to provide critical reasons how the laity should be allowed to contribute and participate meaningfully in the governance of the Roman Catholic Church. This would be made possible by the applications of institutions and symbols that exist in the Igbo Ohacracy model of governance.
This chapter therefore turns to the vital definition of the Igbo Ohacracy system since it will guide this chapter to its completion. As Muo and Oghojafor (2012:154) state:
…Philosophy and practice of decision-making and consensus building among the Ndigbo (the Igbos) of Nigeria. OHAZURUME43, which literarily means ‘it is the communal will’; is a, philosophy and practice that ensures that decisions are easily accepted because of its collective properties. Because the issue is decided collectively by the ‘oha’ (the people) no individual can upturn it.
43‘Oha-zurume’, ‘Oha-kwereme’ or ‘Oha-cracy’ are all two faces of the same coin; the Igbo language expression of the term ‘Oha’; it comes in different surfaces of the qualifications of ‘Oha’ as supreme over any individual or group of individuals.
OHAZURUME draws from the overall ‘ohaka’ (the community is supreme) philosophy and is predicated on the conditions that the matter is tabled openly for discussion, that EVERYBODY is allowed to contribute and that the preponderance of public opinion is upheld as the communal judgement.
Therefore, with this definition in mind, the roles and meanings of both ‘symbols’ and
‘institutions’ should be understood to serve the purpose of life giving structures in the general and common participatory system of Igbo Ohacracy model of governance. This chapter therefore discusses two major symbolic elements of Oji and Ofo; their vital place and role in the development of the Igbo Ohacracy governance tradition. Major institutions of the Dibia (institution of local priests), the Ozo (institution of local title holders or chiefs), the Unions (institution of development organizations) and the Igba-Ndu ritual (religious institution of settlement and reconciliation rites) are discussed among others.