5.4 Igbo Institutions of Ohacracy Participatory Governance
5.4.1 The Family as Focus for Igbo Ohacracy Governance
5.4.1.3 The Umuada Phenomenon in the Igbo Ohacracy Governance
The Umuada gives us an amplified and extended avenue to the role and active participation of the women in the Ohacracy governance order among the Igbo. Women from time immemorial have always been alive and active in the Ohacracy order through their two most important political machineries namely Association of Daughters (Umuada) and the Association of Wives (Ndiyom)62 as earlier pointed out (see Ezeigbo 1990:150).
61 Omenala is a set of rules and regulations that guide the Igbo daily life. Its modern day equivalence is a constitution of a group or state. Literally it means what happens on the land and encompasses native law and custom that have been transmitted from generation to generation within Igbo society prescribing the ethics on which societal norms are based. A violation of these customary laws is dire consequences of a group-enforced or supernatural nature. One of the offences identifiable and highly punishable is incest.
62 Umuada ‘married daughters’ and Ndiyom ‘wives’ are terms used in describing these two vital associations among the Igbo communities in the Southern or Owerri Igbo; comprising with two (2) major towns of Owerri
Unfortunately the colonial eras (as a highly centralised system) brought much pain untold setbacks and delayed the growth in and around matters concerning women. Ojiakor (2010:83) notes:
Colonialism in South Eastern Nigeria altered the status of women and reduced their power through the imposition to western conception of state, society, family, women and gender roles. Women were stripped of important socio- political roles not only for reasons of economic functionality but because of European and gender prejudices. Thus the imposition of colonial administration destroyed pre-colonial Igbo political institutions that made women relevant in decision making. This alien culture adversely affected Igbo women’s roles politically during the colonial era and by extension during the post-colonial era.
The patriarchal colonial system as we have already noted deposed the Igbo Ohacracy decentralized system that had women at the central role and active participation in governance. The Western centralized colonial system enthroned the male chauvinist society that was forced on the Igbo people. Concurring with this observation Allen (1972:165) notes that the British colonial officers and missionaries63 generally failed to see the political roles and powers of Igbo women. The actions of officers of the centralised system declined and in some cases destroyed women’s bases of strength in the decentralised system of the Igbo Ohacracy people. Since they did not have much interest over women’s roles, their effort to promote women’s participation was very minimal.
While women fought back this suppression and subjugation, Uzukwu (1996:139) rightly observes that on the issue of individual rights and privileges, Africa has had its share of the oppression of women. In modern times the oppression and subjugation of women may have increased with colonialism and the practice of mainline Christianity (Catholicism). The two systems privileged men in employment opportunities and leadership roles while women have almost become onlookers.
Despite such patriarchal acts of marginalization women were able to hold on and pilot their way in the Ohacracy order (although already corrupted by structures of centralisation) through the association of women to remain decentralised. It is in this light that the Igbo society would be described as Ohacracy since it is both conscious of the individual and the
and Okigwe among others in the old political division of present Imo state in which this study is based. These terms may differ in other areas of Igbo communities.
63 These two culprits (colonial masters and the missionaries) are two faces of the same coin. The two worked hand in hand to promote the centralization of power around men and the neglect of the women folk.
community levels of existence; thus, showing the Igbo knowledge for community consciousness (Afigbo 1972:65).
In essence, such association of Umuada confirms the strength that came from common relatedness of the women in the traditional society. While forming their own strong organisations and controlled their own affairs and possessed political influence on the basis of their collective strength (Ezeigbo 1990:150). It was through such organisations that women retained power in the patriarch settings that was patterned to marginalise them. It is striking to note that Igbo men did not have the same kind of network of associations and gender solidarity which enabled the women to mobilise across boundaries into a united body.
This Umuada group of women are the most revered among the Igbo Ohacracy people. They are given disciplinary and unquestionable authority by the Igbo culture or tradition to protect the peace and serenity that all desire from their maiden homes, among the Igbo. Although they are married out of their original communities, they enjoy double citizenship. Ukpokolo (2010:185) notes that the Igbo tradition has vested in the Umuada enormous power to correct, discipline and deliver verdicts where necessary through their association. Hence, the Umuada offers the Igbo Ohacracy the checks and balances in relation to governance in the social order.
Yet, in certain cases where verdicts or disciplinary actions imposed by Umuada is flouted or disregarded by obdurate or unruly individuals/groups, Umuada had found a way to police their judgement by staging a “sit on”64 on individuals of this nature. In the acknowledgement and realization of this vital position and tool, women in the Igbo Ohacracy enjoy, what Allen, (1972:165) indicates as the full women’s participation in the Igbo Ohacracy governance and the effectiveness of their institutions stating:
64 The “Sit On” is a tool used by women in the Igbo Ohacracy context to enforce their participation in governance. For instance Allen (1972:170) noted husbands and elders were asked to control certain behaviours otherwise they will be followed with a “sit on.” If their requests were ignored, women would handle the matter by launching a boycott or a strike to force the men to police themselves or they might decide to “sit on” the individual offender. This tool was the women’s weapons against any abuse or intolerant behaviour against the female gender or any man in the land. This involves gathering at a man or woman’s house, sometimes late at night, dancing, singing scurrilous songs which detailed the women’s grievances against the man and often called his manhood to question. Banging on his hut with the pestles and perhaps demolishing it; a man might be sanctioned in this way for mistreating his wife, for violating the women’s market rules or destroying the farm plantation of the women. This sanction will only cease when the individual involved repented and promise to mend his way of life.
As individuals, they participated in village meetings with men. But their real political power was based on the solidarity of women, as expressed in their own political power was based on the solidarity of women, as expressed in their own political institutions – their “meetings” (mikiri or mitiri)65, their market networks, their kinship groups, and their right to use strikes, boycotts and force to effect their decisions.
Indeed such is the stand of Umuada in the Igbo Ohacracy governance. Umuada remains one of the Igbo Ohacracy institutions that colonial system of a centralised model could not totally destroy. The Igbo traditional values till this day have kept the light burning in this aspect of Igbo Ohacracy decentralised governance thereby allowing women to contribute their gifts and talents to the society.
Umuada by their singular act of conflict settlement in the Igbo Ohacracy governance became part of the leadership with men who combined wealth, generosity and the ability or intelligence to speak or articulate well. The word of mouth in this sense therefore became wisdom that brought respect to individual men and women who were able to fulfil the task of articulation and good memory that has come with experience and age. Age alone among the Igbo means nothing except if it is combined with the values here mentioned (Allen 1972:168).
In acknowledgement of this special skill and intelligence in the Igbo Ohacracy order, and while noting clearly the similarity with the Jewish tribe and the difference between them, Bruder (2008:144) cites Robert Collis (Nigeria in Conflict) concluding that there is no doubt that the Ibo (Igbo) men are the hardest workers in Nigeria, and their women among the most charming and the most intelligent. They have shown themselves to have IQ’s as high as any race or group anywhere in the world. The Igbo Ohacracy decentralised system acknowledges the intelligence of the Igbo woman and provides them the space for their participation in governance.
However, the challenges surrounding Igbo Ohacracy governance in relation to concerns and rights of women in the contemporary era cannot be neglected and therefore worth’s mentioning in the study of this nature. In his deep and remarkable poem “The Widow’s Tears” (Nwaanyi mkpe, a widow), Obododimma Oha (2007:17) notes with pain, uncertainties
65 ‘Mitiri’ or ‘Mikiri’ is a loose translation of the English equivalent ‘meeting’ being mispronounced in Igbo language usage of the term Ogbako or nzuko meaning the meetings or gatherings of the community for issues on discussion. English language lacks the in-depth meaning of the Igbo equivalence Ogbako. It is important to distinguish between Ogbako-/nzuko and Ogbako-Oriri. In the Igbo semantics while the former means gathering for issues on discussion, the later means gathering for entertainment or refreshments. Though there might be refreshments in the former usage of gathering, which is not the focus, but the issues at hand.
and frustrations of an Igbo Ohacracy widow whose tears knows no bounds and indeed says it all in terms of feminist struggle as she writes:
She weeps the loss, weeps the waiting trouble Of contested farmlands and shrinking hellos In-laws becoming outlaws, shifting landmarks
Fears of tied hands and buried futures of her growing children She Weeps…
It is lamentable to note such anguish and distress women in Ije di66 (marriage journey) go through at any stage of widowhood. One begins to wonder why the Oha governance does not protect women from men who are greedy and whose interest is to swallow the widows alive.
The thought of a woman losing her husband is therefore night mire in some Igbo communities where all are said to have equal chances of protection and security, yet the widow is hardly protected. As Agu and Chimakonam (2013:59) notes on the concerns of feminists among Igbo women while stressing Uchem (2001:20-22) states: “…In Afghanistan and Somalia it is the right to education; but in Igboland…, it is the freedom or right to be absolved from all forms of religious, economic, political, social and cultural discriminatory and humiliating practices.”
The following roles can still be identified with the Umuada towards the Igbo Ohacracy governance. These include the following as Egboh (1987:103-107) notes:
I. They settle quarrels concerning political, economic and ritual matters, which are beyond their male relatives and prove impossible.
II. More so, the Umuada have the power to ostracize any proven incorrigible (incurable) male or female families and individual behaviour noted in the lineage relative.
III. The Umuada of any unit of Igbo community functions as the final arbiter in all conflict situations within the respective lineage. Their verdicts are always final and cannot be appealed to any other level of adjudication (see Agbasiere 2000:40-42).
Moreover, having highlighted what the Igbo Ohacracy governance offers in matters related to women’s organisation and contribution to keep the decentralised system, it is vital to conclude this section by refereeing to the deficiency of the centralized Catholic Church governance to
66 Ije di is Igbo expression that means ‘the journey of marriage’. In Igbo tradition, marriage is often metaphorised as a trip or journey. It is assumed that the woman who is marrying is travelling not only to another physical space, but also making a life journey that may be full of trials and also rewarding experience. It is a journey of uncertainties, joys and happiness, woes and pain. Yet, the woman must necessarily venture the journey (Oha 2007:17).
listen and hear Igbo women’s voices calling to be part of her governance structure which has alienated women’s voices and full participation for centuries. Women in the Igbo Ohacracy decentralized system are therefore part of the family membership that belongs and exercise their full participation in the governance of the Ohacracy communities. The centralized Catholic Church system needs to engage in dialogue and be more inclusive to women’s participation in the life of the Church. Any failure to do this will only cost the Church so direly by losing the gifts and women’s insight as noted above.