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5.4 Igbo Institutions of Ohacracy Participatory Governance

5.4.1 The Family as Focus for Igbo Ohacracy Governance

5.4.1.1 The Place of Men (Fathers) in the Igbo Ohacracy Governance

The Igbo ethnographic gender perceptions and understanding under consideration gives this study the opportunity to discuss meaningful contribution of both men and women in the Igbo Ohacracy community. This task is very challenging given the complex nature of the Igbo society in relation to gender roles that both men and women are socialised into by tradition and culture within the Ohacracy governance among the Igbo. Amadiume (2015: xii) argues pointing out the different approaches to such complexities within the Igbo stating:

…patriarchy and matriarchy would seem to be juxtaposed, suggesting two dichotomous systems, one for women and the other for men; a dual system.

Conceptually and institutionally, these are useful categories for dissecting social beliefs and practices in detail. …it is necessary to analyse how the whole system works, its flexibility and dynamism to truly situate this session of the study in Ohacracy governance55. …this, then, is the usefulness or role of socio-cultural gender constructions; in this case, a flexible gender system and gender-bending, allowing for the interchanging of roles, statuses and power by men and women.

55 The emphasis is mine.

From this assertion, this study observes that the Igbo Ohacracy order has provisions to carter for both genders in the community. Although decision and authority is dominated by the men, the matriarchy system in practice responds to any domination tendencies thereby decentralising decision making in the system. By so doing the Ohacracy order provides a high level of equality among genders in the system unlike the Roman Catholic system that empowers and is centred on men for governance. In fact, though the Igbo society may be patriarchal in nature, it is in practice, very much matriarchal. This means that both patriarchy and matriarchy are found in the Igbo Ohacracy system (Amadiume 2015:106-110; 113) and communities where they are practised. This is clear in its promotion of the women course without reservations (Agbasiere 2000:xxiv). The centralised order of the Roman Catholic Church is therefore challenged by the decentralised system of the Igbo, to be open towards equal participation of both genders and enhance the role of women in this regard.

With this observation, fathers are an important dynamic (‘age group’) that is highly responsible and is tasked with the building of the Igbo Ohacracy family to develop to its full maturity and especially the male children who are considered to be the future and development actors of the Igbo (Achebe 1965:47). This grouping is necessary since in some Igbo traditions (communities), a second level of fatherhood, the woman-fatherhood is evident.

The women who fall under this category do not enjoy the ‘seating-together’ in discussing issues with their male equals in family cultural ownership unless in matriarchy communities where she then does. Rather, they seat in the company of their female counterparts (who are of course wives), to relate fully and contribute meaningfully in the Igbo Ohacracy community discussions and rulings.56

The woman-fatherhood could come in such experience of childlessness in first marriage. The Igbo social Ohacracy governance permits such a woman after first husband’s death without a child or a male child, to marry another woman whose children then are legally accepted as full heirs of the late husband and are entitled to all Ohacracy order rights, benefits and duties Amadiume, (2015:31; 42). The society accepts the children to be legitimately belonging to this family and thus share in the inheritance belonging to all members of such families without any discrimination or denial Onwurah, (1984:29).

Hence, each adult male is expected to play this important role by which the Igbo Ohacracy people are assured of progression and sustenance. The raising and sustenance of any Igbo

56 More references will be made when discussing the mother’s and the Umuada sections of socio-cultural roles in the Igbo Ohacracy order of this chapter.

Ohacracy family is an enormous task and responsibility to the adult male age grouping as noted already (Duru 1980:122). This is so because among the Igbo, the family is the highest social institution and is considered sacred. Due to the strongly sacred nature of the Ohacracy family, its protection and security is tasked to the most respected ranked personality among the Igbo Ohacracy people, the father. This clear role of the father is noted by Achebe (1965:47) as he lustrates the tasks and duties of a family man like splitting wood and provision of food for the family as Okonkwo in his obi57 in Thing fall apart with his family.

The father in this regard would include the social and political title holders like traditional chiefs, the council of elders, the Ozo58, male and or female59 individual home owners.

However, as heads of monogamous or polygamous families in the Igbo Ohacracy order, the father’s age group is tasked with specific social and cultural responsibilities for the growth and harmony of the Igbo people. Some of these include:

I. The fathers are the custodians of unity, solidarity and maintain peaceful coexistence II. They support and protect members from outside intrusion and represent members

whenever they are involved in disputes with others in the community.

III. The fathers help in working towards the maintenance of a good reputation of fellow community members (see Duru 1980:122) and (Afigbo 2005:209).

IV. They encourage all to cooperate in the efforts of community growth and development.

V. Responsible in supporting their families, with the priority of establishing strong economic foundation for younger siblings (Ebelebe 2009:181).

VI. They also provide security both material and physical when members are threatened.

VII. They are the leadership group and authority in the home and community in general.

VIII. They see to the education of members of their families or community (Okafor 1992:30).

57 An Obi is a small hut located near the entrance of a compound where the male owner of a family entertains his visitors and where worship and sacrificial rituals take place (Duru 1980: 207).

58 The Ozo is an Igbo honorary title given to certain men of honour who have achieved a high level of respect and development of the Igbo people either by their hard work or intellectual abilities. Further discussion on this will be made when discussing the Igbo Ohacracy institutions of governance in this chapter.

59 In Igbo matrilineal traditions (communities) women of great honour and respect have enjoyed positions of leadership and therefore are accorded titles of honour and Igbo names of respect chiefs (Agbasiere 2000:xxiv, Plate 1; 40-41). Another dimension of woman-fatherhood could come in such experience of childlessness in first marriage. The Igbo social culture permits such a woman after first husband’s death without a child or a male child, to marry another woman whose children then are legally accepted as full heirs of the late husband and are entitled to all cultural rights and duties. The society accepts the children to be legally and legitimately belonging to this family and thus share in the inheritance belonging to all members of such families without any discrimination or denial of any kind (Onwurah 1984:29).

5.4.1.2 The Place of Women (Mothers) in the Igbo Ohacracy Governance