SECTION II Literature Review
53. Descriptions of the protective processes
5.3.33. Community and cultural resilience
The educational literature has identified five major strategies to enhance resilience within schools (APA, 2003; Bernard, 1999; Howard & Dryden, 1999): (i) offer opportunities for learners to develop significant relationships with caring adults; (ii) build on social competencies and academic skills to provide children with experiences of mastery and success; (iii) offer opportunities for learners to be meaningfully involved and have responsible roles; (iv) work to identify, collaborate with and co- ordinate support services for children; (v) strive to 'do no harm' by ensuring that the structures, expectations, policies and procedures do not add to the risks already experienced by children (Howard & Dryden, 1999, p .9). Working within South African schools, Kolisang and Lourens (2002) have developed an effective, but resource intensive programme that applies the seven habits of highly effective people (Covey, 1994) to enhance the sensitivity of educators and to create emotionally safe classrooms.
of resilience promoting traditional cultural beliefs: spirituality; child-rearing/extended family; respect for nature; veneration of age/wisdom/tradition; generosity and sharing; cooperation/group harmony;
autonomy/respect for others; composure/patience; relativity of time; and non-verbal communication.
Although their work is based on American Indian culture, there are clear similarities between these values, and the Ubuntu values held in traditional African communities (de la Harpe et al.. 1998;
Mkhize. 2004). The concept of Ubuntu is an African ethic that has been widely accepted, both at the level of policy-makers and at grass roots. Ubuntu is regarded by most community members as an admirable quality to which they aspire (Avilia & Combs, 1985). However, the concept does not have a well articulated theoretical base according to which it can be implemented. As Dhlomo (1991, p.
49) says: "It is true that we all talk about Ubuntu, but no-one amongst us has yet grasped the axiom."
However, Dhlomo goes on to encourage the development of the theoretical framework that would enable a revitalisation and enhanced awareness of the concept.
Ubuntu is an ethic that informs a way of being, a way of life and a tradition that impacts at both the individual and group levels (Mbigi & Maree, 1995; Mkhize, 2004). One definition of Ubuntu stands out in its simplicity as well as its' pervasive implication - Vilakazi defines Ubuntu as "humanism ... a belief in and respect for people, with a special focus on the individual's value, dignity, safety, well-being, health, love and potential for development" (1991, p. 6). The various facets of Ubuntu include (i) Solidarity: The principle of solidarity appears in all definitions of Ubuntu: "a man is a man through others"(Mbigi & Maree, 1995, p. 41); "I am because they are; and they are because I am" (Oakly-Smith, 1991, p. 45). (ii) Interpersonal relationships have the right (entitlement) to unconditional respect, dignity, acceptance and care from others (Mbigi & Maree, 1995, p. 41). (iii) Dialogue between people and groups is essential in that it enables co-operation and participation, making group/team work an essential mechanism for interaction, decision making, etc (Mbiti, 1988;
Mittner, 1995). (iv) There are strong expectations from others to conform with the group's survival requirements, in return for the security which the group has to offer in terms of collective realisation of goals (Mbigi & Maree, 1995; Mittner, 1995). (v) There is a balance between material and spiritual realities (Mbiti, 1988). (vi) It is group-focussed, with little concern for individual aspirations and goals, nor with self realisation (Mbigi & Maree, 1995; Mittner, 1995).
Through the application of Ubuntu, groups are considered to be able to ensure their own resilience and survival in an organised, protective and dignified manner. In tribal African societies, groups had to organise to survive against oppression, placing high value on solidarity, conformity and caring for
one another (Mbigi and Maree, 1995). Vilakazi (1991) suggests that Ubuntu is most applicable in small homogenous communities that are not divided by social class; where leadership adopts participative management styles (as opposed to authoritarian or autocratic styles); where there are opportunities for dialogue while planning collectively and according to fair guidelines in the delegation of tasks and responsibilities; where there can be equitable distribution of profits; where people are willing to share generously in a spirit of hospitality, with empathy and equality being highly valued; and where beliefs, traditions and rituals that maintain the climate and cohesiveness of the community at a high level (p. 9). The concept of Ubuntu could therefore be highly relevant for community interventions as it encapsulates the empirical data on which the concept of community resilience is based. Certainly the outcome of an effective community-based intervention would be consistent with the principles of Ubuntu. In terms of the AIDS pandemic there is evidence that people at grass roots levels have repeatedly demonstrated their willingness to help and be involved (Phiri et al., 2000).
The consistency between these features and the factors that the western world has identified as promoting resilience is remarkable. The interconnectedness that is embodied in the cultural spirituality is an especially important feature. Many traditional rituals mark the rites of passage (for example, a child's birth and naming, puberty rites, funeral ceremonies, etc.) by explicitly acknowledging that all life is interconnected. Entire villages and tribes may assemble for these ceremonies that begin by calling-in and welcoming the ancestors (HeavyRunner & Morris, 1997).
There are also cultural variations in child-rearing patterns (Super & Harkhess, 1994). One culture may praise children for finding their own solution and demonstrating independence, another provides loving support and helps children face adversity (Grotberg, 1999). However, there are also various cultural practices that increase risk: severe punishment; excluding children from various activities in an endeavour to protect them from the harsh realities of life and death; focus on obedience to the exclusion of the development of inner strengths and independence; not discussing sexuality with children; and leaving children to solve their own problems, with no mechanisms through which children can ask for assistance.
Community development work is usually grounded in the principles of empowerment (Gibbs, 1995).
Somewhat simplistically, one can think of empowerment as being based on two axiomatic convictions: (i) Given a nurturing environment that taps into universal strengths, all people have an innate capacity for change and transformation (Benard & Marshall, 1997; Grotberg, 1999; Mills,
1995); and (ii) Human potential is always there, waiting to be discovered and invited forth even in situations of dire adversity (Purkey & Stanley, 1995, in Benard & Marshall, 1997). Empowerment is usually achieved through community organisation, democratic decision-making processes, and active participation of community members in a sustained and responsible manner (Gibbs, 1995;
Higson-Smith & Killian, 1999).