SECTION II Literature Review
53. Descriptions of the protective processes
5.3.1. Intrapsychic strengths
• The environment or context in which children may be exposed to facilitative (associated with resilience) or destructive (leading to increased vulnerability) experiences, in terms of the provision or lack of supports, resources and structure at the micro-, exo-, and macrosystemic levels (Bronfenbrenner, 1986a).
Figure 5.1: An integrative systemic model of resilience and risk:
Environmental resources and risks
in which the child does not play an active role
Environmental resources and risks
in which the child can play an active role
Interpersonal resources and risks
Intrapsychic resources or risks (Genetic, Dispositional, temperamental
and personality variables)
Microsystemic interactions
Exosystcmie interactions
Mesosystemic and Macrosystemic interactions
could have a genetic or physiological aetiology and those internal strength and assets that seem to stem from the child's interaction with others, primarily in terms of the microsystemic interactions.
The categorisation is based on the nature/nurture debate and it is acknowledged to be incomplete.
5.3.1.1. Genetic and temperamental internal strengths:
It seems that some children begin life with certain advantages that facilitate and enhance interpersonal interactions and enable better coping in times of difficulty. Some children are born with an easy or appealing temperament that facilitates the development of secure attachments with their primary caregivers (Ainsworth, 1972; Bowlby, 1988; Richter et al., 1994). These children tend to be more sociable and outgoing. Enjoying interpersonal appeal and attractiveness, they are more likely to seek and to receive the help and support that they need (Luthar & Zigler, 1991; Masten, 1986; Rutter, 1990; Werner, 1995). Children with easy temperaments begin their pattern of face-to- face, proximal processes (Bronfenbrenner, 1997) with successful adaptations and therefore tend to have less difficulty coping than those children who are born with difficult temperaments (Thomas
& Chess, 1984; Trad & Greenblatt, 1990; Werner, 1993;). These children also tend to enjoy a good sense of humour - a feature associated with resilience (Olson & DeFrain, 2000; Mailman, 2002;
Masten, 1986).
Children with good intellectual skills are more observant, better problem solvers, and have a belief in their own efficacy through repeated success experiences (Kandel, Sarnoff, Mednick, Kirkegaard- Sorenson, Hutchings, Knop, Rosenberg & Schiulsinger, 1988; Luthar & Zigler, 1992; Rutter, 1985).
Intelligent children are more likely to be able to understand and attribute a deeper meaning to an adverse event. They are more likely to have an accurate autobiographical memory, which in combination with an easy temperament, enables a child to be more optimistic in outlook, recall positive memories, moments of kindness, to access good role models and to recall their personal achievements (Grotberg, 1995; Mailman, 2002). There may, however, be a window of intellectual ability that is associated with greater resilience - children with above average intelligence do better than those who are below average or who are intellectually gifted.
Some children are more creative, innovative and naturally curious. At times, but not invariably, this is linked to intelligence. Creative, curious children exhibit greater resourcefulness (Smith &
Carlson, 1997). Parenting and schooling systems that encourage questions, and do not uphold obedience and respect as the ultimate qualities of a well-brought child, augment resilience.
Within first world countries, boys report less stress, and exhibit more distress, until adolescence when this pattern is reversed (Compas et al., 1988; Rutter, 1985). Therefore, gender is considered to be a moderator of risk, in that girls are at decreased risk of developing childhood problems (Rutter, 1987). However, in many developing countries, the excessively high rate of child sexual abuse and gender-based discrimination and violence places girls at greater risk. Furthermore in these contexts, girls are more likely to have to sacrifice their education, take on excessive household responsibilities and chores, and be accorded lower status than boys (UNICEF, 1999). Therefore, girls are probably less resilient than boys in developing countries.
5.3.1.2. Intrapsychic strengths and assets:
There are various environmentally-developed variables that function as internal resources to afford a child intrapsychic strength or advantage in the face of difficulty (Gore & Eckenrode, 1994;
Howard & Dryden, 1999; Mailman, 2002; Masten et al., 1990; Rutter, 1984,1985; Werner & Smith, 1982). These intrapsychic resources are based on contextual relativity. They are not discreet entities but socially constructed, inter-related mechanisms, with much overlap in their occurrence. However, identifying the discreet elements of these strengths enables them to be used in programmes to enhance resilience and increase adaptive coping.
Social competence is the ability to adaptively co-ordinate one's feelings, thoughts and actions (Howard & Dryden, 1999; Masten & Coatsworth, 1998). It comprises elements of both adaptability and social problem solving, involving a set of core skills, attitudes, abilities and feelings that are given functional meaning by the contexts of situation, culture and community (Consortium of School-based Promotion of Social Competence, 1994, p. 275, cited in Howard & Dryden, 1999).
The skills needed to be socially competent include (i) an understanding of social norms and customs; (ii) the ability to encode and accurately interpret relevant social cues such as facial expressions, gestures, emotions and interpersonal communications; (iii) perspective taking, empathy and discernment of intentions; (iv) effective social behaviour, appropriate tone of voice and use of proper verbal and non-verbal communication styles; (v) adequate enculturation in terms of respectful and appropriate responsiveness in a wide variety of social situations (Masten et al., 1990).
In this regard, the Eurocentric literature places special emphasis on eye contact as playing a facilitatory role in human communication (Doherty-Sneddon, 2004). However, eye contact is perceived as indicating a lack of respect in most African cultures (Meintjes, 2004). While social competence is an aspect of functioning that is difficult to directly measure, it is certainly open to instruction, guidance and reinforcement within the context of child-rearing and intervention
programmes. For example, social skills programmes can effectively enhance social competence in unpopular children (Asher, Parker & Walker, 1996; Erwin, 1993; Mize & Ladd, 1990; Shaffer, 2002). They aim to teach, train and help children to habitually apply social skill processes to improve their peer group acceptance and functioning. The success of these programmes is increased when they also include significant others in the child's life (Asher et al., 1996).
Resilient children have positive self esteem and a sense of their own efficacy and competence (Grotberg, 1995). They tend to treat themselves and others with respect (Brooks, 1998). Since they believe in their own ability to make a positive difference, they confront, rather than retreat from challenges, and thereby have the opportunity to learn from their successes and failures. Children develop self confidence and self esteem when they are given positive feedback and encouragement, are recognised for their efforts and have sufficient opportunities to develop mastery in various spheres of functioning. There is a degree of circularity in terms of the origins of self esteem. Self confident children are more optimistic, and being optimistic, they afford themselves more opportunities to gain positive feedback and affirmation of their self confidence.
Problem solving abilities require realistic awareness and appraisal of difficulties, anticipation of consequences and awareness of potential obstacles (Brooks, 1998; Gore & Eckenrode, 1994; Masten et al., 1990; Werner & Smith, 1982). One must be able to (i) correctly identify and understand the nature of a problem; (ii) creatively consider potential solutions and anticipate the impact of these;
(iii) implement a solution; and (iv) evaluate the impact and then (v) re-engage in problem solving if the outcome is less than satisfactory. This is a skill that is open to direct training.
Autonomy and an internal locus of control, obviously at age-appropriate levels, concerns a perception that one can deal with and influence what happens to one (Gore & Eckenrode, 1994;
Kirby & Fraser, 1997; Masten et al., 1990; Rutter, 1984). An internal locus of control is defined as a belief that one is in charge of one's own destiny (Kirby & Fraser, 1997). By contrast, an external locus of control - a striking feature found in many problem families and individuals (Werner, 1995) - is a belief that one is at the mercy of fate, of external forces that are frequently perceived to be unfair and depriving (Rutter, 1984, p. 60). Of course, ideally some balance is required between the extremes of internal and external locus of control. Nevertheless, one needs to bear in mind that children tend to be more egocentric in their thinking and thus are more vulnerable to feeling responsible when bad things happen to their loved ones. There are variations in cultural conceptions of autonomy and locus of control. American culture places strong value on an internal locus of
control, whilst Chinese children are raised to be more interdependent (Chia, Lytle, Borshiung &
Jeen, 1997).
Children who are able to understand and express a wide range of emotions in a socially appropriate manner are more resilient. Children express their feelings in words, actions, play and/or drawing (Aldwin, 1994;Grotberg, 1995;Kransler, 1990; Schaefer& O'Connor, 1983). They generally have a limited vocabulary with which to describe their feelings and experiences, usually only describing themselves as feeling okay, happy, scared, cross, or sad (Kazdin, 2000; Schaefer & O'Connor,
1983). Being able to talk, or play out, difficult past experiences, whilst not dwelling on painful memories, is a basic principle underlying all psychotherapeutic endeavours (Aldwin, 1994;
Grotberg, 1999). By externalising distressing experiences one is able to psychically process distressing events and so gain a sense of mastery and control (Herman, 1992; SANTSEP, 2000).
Therefore, a goal of most intervention programmes is to enable one to identify a wider range of emotions and be able to express these emotions in social acceptable ways (Aldwin, 1994; Mailman, 2002). The major objective of many of the cognitive refraining therapeutic techniques is to acquire and maintain a sense of identity while simultaneously challenging negative and overwhelming cognitive constructions (Ungar, 2003).
Faith in a higher power or a religious philosophy of life (Anthony, 1987; Coutu, 2002; Mailman, 2002; Werner & Smith, 1982) has been identified as a personal resource, although there could be some debate as to whether this is an internal or external mechanism. A resilient person, adult or child, is likely to have strong spiritual or ideological beliefs that there is a God, a Higher Being, that transcends life on earth (Coutu, 2002). The form that this belief system takes is not important - a child may believe in one God, in many gods or the power of the ancestors. The belief system is usually instrumental in creating a vision of moral order and a sense of justice, in which there is a clear distinction between right and wrong, and acceptable and unacceptable behaviours (Mailman, 2002). In some situations, meaning in life may be rooted in cultural, ideological or political systems.
For example, a generation of political activist children were raised with a strong belief in the
"Liberation before Education" ideology that was required to rid South Africa of apartheid oppression. Similar ideological drivers have been identified in Palestinian children who may have a strong sense of personal worth, heroism and purpose for the benefit of future generations (PunamaJci, 1990). Social activist children often feel integrally aligned with the desired outcome of the struggle, war or political uprising and will frequently report ego-syntonic emotions (as opposed
to distress) as they believe that they are active contributors towards the achievement of a stated ideology (Govender & Killian, 2000).
Resilient children tend to have a sense of purpose and future orientation (Masten et ah, 1990) combined with a sense of usefulness. Werner (1984) identified 'required helpfulness' as a resilience factor, wherein children have set responsibilities and tasks in the home, community, and/or school, taking care of siblings or relatives, or even being responsible for animals or pets. Boys do better when given tasks and clear routines, whereas girls benefit from being given appropriate responsibilities, especially in caring for others (Masten & Coatsworth, 1998). However, careful consideration of what constitutes appropriate tasks and responsibilities for children is needed, especially within the current context of poverty and high prevalence HIV/AIDS communities.
Children still need time to be children: to go to school, play with peers and engage in fun child activities. When their tasks and responsibilities deny them these rights, the burden of responsibilities needs urgent review.
Therefore, it seems that children who have good cognitive skills; self-perceptions of competence, worth, confidence and self-efficacy; a positive outlook on life, hopefulness, faith and believe life has meaning; are socially adept; and have adaptable and sociable personality characteristics are better able to cope with adversity (Masten, 2002).