SECTION II Literature Review
53. Descriptions of the protective processes
5.3.3. External supports and resources
coping reflects access to social support and perhaps also to economic resources so that entertainment, leisure activities and other distractions become possible (Smith & Carlson, 1997).
There are some difficulties associated with these theories in terms of their relevance to understanding children's coping. Some of the underlying assumptions do not readily apply to children. Firstly, these models of coping usually assume that one has the capacity to appraise an event, and then to select a coping strategy from a range of potential responses. However, children probably have a restricted range of coping strategies since some the cognitive and behavioural strategies only become functional with increased maturity and sophistication. Secondly, coping strategies are regarded as being relatively stable across time, situations and developmental stages, whereas this assumption has not been able to stand empirical scrutiny (Aldwin, 1994; Gilligan, 1998;
Howard & Dryden, 1999). Thirdly, there is a lack of clarity about whether the appraisal is made at a conscious, unconscious or even automatic neuronal level (Aldwin, 1994). Children have limited ability to conduct cognitive appraisals, to recognise inherent challenges and to assess their own capacity to adapt. They possibly use different coping strategies to adults. They are less able to control many of their stressors by virtue of their relative dependence and immaturity (Aldwin, 1994; Ryan- Wenger, 1992). Strategies that involve perspective taking or regulating one's emotions are acquired gradually with increasing age and maturity, and would be beyond the cognitive maturity of young children. Moreover, it seems that children emulate their primary caregivers (Rutter, 1994) whose capacity to cope adaptively is a significant predictor of children's coping (Gilligan, 1998; Howard
& Dryden, 1999). If children have access to good coping role models, they are more likely to cope, whereas when they witness their primary caregivers being unable to cope adaptively, their own levels of distress are exponentially increased. It is also logical to assume that an infinite range of potential coping strategies are used in a situation-specific manner by the many children who cope in a huge variety of circumstances.
5.3.3.1. Resilient families:
Resilient families who successfully cope despite disadvantaged circumstances and live in poor and disrupted communities, serve as important positive role models for children to emulate (Benard &
Marshall, 1997; Birkerts, 2000;Masten et al., 1990; Olson & DeFrain, 2000; Silberberg, 2001). On the basis of many cross-cultural studies of family strengths, a variety of strengths have been identified that contribute to personal worth and sense of satisfaction within family members (Dowdney, 2000; Silberberg, 2001): (i) the family circumplex model considers family functioning across the three dimensions of cohesion, flexibility and communications Olson & DeFrain, 2000);
(ii) the family strengths model that maintains that strong families have six qualities that contribute to their resilience: commitment to the family; appreciation and affection for each other; positive communication patterns; enjoyable time together; a sense of spiritual well-being and connection; and the ability to manage stress and crisis (Stinnett & DeFrain, 1985, in Silberberg, 2001); and (iii) the Australian Family Strengths Template that empirically established the presence of eight family qualities that are linked to strengths (Silberberg, 2001). Interestingly the Australian Federal Government has invested $240 million in this project with the aim of building stronger families and communities (ibid.). Again, whichever model one considers the most useful, the focus is usually placed on identifying and operationally defining specific characteristics that enhance family strength and resilience.
Resilient families tend to have three characteristics in common: (i) family members have strong durable beliefs in their ability to control life - i.e. an internal locus of control; (ii) they establish and maintain a sense of order through the implementation of routines for various activities such as meals, bedtimes, accomplishment of household tasks, and so forth; and (iii) there is a system of celebration and acknowledgment of key events in the life of the family and of the individuals in the family.
These characteristics serve stabilising functions in times of crises (Fanos & Weiner, 1994; Henson, 2004; Howard & Dryden, 1999; McCubbin et al., 1988; Olson & DeFrain, 2000; Repetti, Taylor &
Seeman, 2002; Silberberg, 2001; Saler & Skolnick, 1992).
In addition, research has shown that resilient families (i) use more active coping strategies in which they extend child-care responsibilities beyond the immediate family network during times of distress, assume more flexible maternal roles, have actively-present fathers, enjoy good family cohesion and little inter-parental conflict (Benard & Marshall, 1997; Smith & Carlson, 1997; DeFrain, 1999;
Garbarino et al., 1992; Lachman et al., 2002; Masten et al., 1990; Silberberg, 2001; Werner & Smith, 1982); (ii) have clearly delineated parent-child subsystems with firm boundaries so that the child is not expected to be the parent's friend, confidante or to provide emotional support (Silberberg, 2001);
(iii) have parents who provide firm and consistent guidance without repressive or rejecting attitudes (Masten et al., 1990) - this is consistent with Baumrind's characterisation of an authoritative parenting style (1971, in Shaffer, 2002) that has been found to be associated with higher self esteem and improved scholastic and social functioning; (iv) have parents who provide and display an active interest in school and constructive use of leisure time, supporting the child's achievements; (v) have four or fewer children within the family (Lachman et al., 2002; Werner & Smith, 1988) so that sufficient attention can be given to each child, especially during infancy (Smith & Carlson, 1997);
(vi) have a manageable maternal work load in terms of the number of children, as well as daily tasks, including duties within and outside the family (Werner & Smith, 2001); (vii) have harmony between parents thereby limiting exposure to conflict and high expressed emotions (Howard & Dryden, 1999;
Rutter, 1984; Werner & Smith, 1988); and (viii) enjoy financial stability so that families are able to get on with the business of living and bringing up children without the constant worry about where the next meal will come from (Garbarino et al., 1992; McCubbin et al., 1988; Walsh, 1998). Closely aligned to this variable is having sufficient food, clothing, shelter and medical services available to meet the basic physical needs of children and families. The problem of food security is a major contributor to the social disarray that exists in many high HIV/AIDS prevalence communities.
The structure and institution of the family is being severely challenged by the deaths of parents. The child's relationship with surviving family members is critical in determining the outcome for the children following the death of one or more family members (Saler & Skolnik, 1992; Stein, 2003).
Parental death is associated with depression in adulthood, but this effect can be mediated by the surviving adults being empathic, warm and encouraging autonomy (Saler & Skolnik, 1992; Stein, 2003).
5.3.3.2. Effective Schools:
Resilience promoting schools can ameliorate the impact of discordant and disadvantaged homes (APA, 2003; Rutter, 1983). Children spend at least five hours a day at school during term times.
Schools, therefore, have the potential to be a major resource for at-risk children. The characteristics associated with effective schools are almost identical to the qualities of schools that build resilience in their learners (Rutter, 1983, Reynolds, 1992, Shaffer, 2002). Effective schools provide children with positive experiences that are associated with success and pleasure in a variety of arenas - academic, sport, cultural, good peer and educator relationships, and shared responsibilities (Erikson, 1963; Howard & Dryden, 1999). Attentive and caring teachers, who are sensitive, supportive, and kind, promote psychosocial adaptation and scholastic achievement by improving the emotional
climate of their classrooms (Reynolds, 1992). Teachers can serve as important positive role models for personal identification, especially if they show an interest in the whole child (Howard & Dryden, 1999; Werner & Smith, 1982). Effective teachers set and monitor work, provide children with opportunities to behave responsibly, give praise and encouragement, and provide a positive caring and caring atmosphere in the classroom and the school (Mortimore & Stoll, 1988; Rutter, Maughan, Mortimore, Ouston & Smith, 1979). A meaningful and relevant curriculum that is perceived to lead towards future success in life motivates children and their parents, whereas high unemployment rates demotivate learners and educators (Reynolds, 1992; Shaffer, 2002;). Schools that promote social competence, problem solving skills, critical thinking, autonomy and a sense of purpose do much to enhance resilience (Bernard, 1999). These outcomes can be achieved by dedicated educators through thematic, experiential, challenging, comprehensive and inclusive curricula (Reynolds, 1992).
Resilience can be fostered by focussing on personal strengths, assets and competencies from a multiple intelligence perspective (Gardner, 1993). Self-reflection, co-operation, shared responsibility and a sense of belonging are developed through the use of group teaching/learning techniques (Bernard, 1999). High risk children whose home environments are characterised by hostility, depression, alcohol abuse, and so forth, can experience school as a peaceful haven in which they can be normal kids. A lack of parental monitoring and supervision is associated with externalising disorders (Patterson, Dishion & Reid, 1993) and low school achievement (Ho Sui-Chu & Willms, 1996). In the absence of parental monitoring and supervision, teachers and the classroom setting can provide a co-operative social environment.
The chaotic situation in many South African schools which were run on a system of Bantu education during the apartheid years led to school being places of misery for many children (Lourens, 2003).
De-motivated authoritarian teachers, themselves victims of an inferior education system, ruled through the use of corporal punishment, frequently never got to the know the children in their class by name, and viewed the curricula as irrelevant but dominant (Kolisang & Lourens, 2002). Failure rates were inordinately high, and many school leavers had no future prospects of employment due to the excessively high unemployment rates. The recent shift towards an outcomes based education system is perhaps a step forward in terms of transforming schools to more learner-sensitive environments. However, many educators are under significant stress, due to the rapid rate of educational transformation. The Schools Act of 1997 takes into account some of the features of effective schools and mandates the nature and functioning of the Schools Governing Bodies so that parents, and therefore the community, become active partners in the education of their children.
The educational literature has identified five major strategies to enhance resilience within schools (APA, 2003; Bernard, 1999; Howard & Dryden, 1999): (i) offer opportunities for learners to develop significant relationships with caring adults; (ii) build on social competencies and academic skills to provide children with experiences of mastery and success; (iii) offer opportunities for learners to be meaningfully involved and have responsible roles; (iv) work to identify, collaborate with and co- ordinate support services for children; (v) strive to 'do no harm' by ensuring that the structures, expectations, policies and procedures do not add to the risks already experienced by children (Howard & Dryden, 1999, p .9). Working within South African schools, Kolisang and Lourens (2002) have developed an effective, but resource intensive programme that applies the seven habits of highly effective people (Covey, 1994) to enhance the sensitivity of educators and to create emotionally safe classrooms.