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impossible to survive as a leader. Egypt, Nigeria, Uganda, Rwanda and Angola are examples of regimes which are fully backed or controlled by the military. Recent events in Zimbabwe demonstrated that the might of the sword is more profound than political slogans. State capture through the influence of strong business is another face of power which is a rather old phenomenon only surfacing now with the exposure of occurrences such as Guptagate in South Africa. I say it’s an old phenomenon because throughout the liberation struggles of Africa there were business interests which resourced the guerilla armies behind the scenes in a deliberate anticipatory prepositioning strategy. These are some of the interests which result in leaders losing their focus of service to the people. They end up serving the dictates of money interests in a blackmail like relationship.
Ethnic relations, old boy networks and shadow spousal influences are also significant dynamics in the power games. The down fall of Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe is partly attributable to the garrulousness of a power hungry wife who usurped state power through a
‘Bedroom coup’. Whilst not publicly acknowledged, relatives and oldboy networks also play a big role in power plays and usually conspire to loot. The sad dimensions of all the above discussed power influences is that they all conspire to share a cake which they have not baked. They view power and influence as a chance to access resources expressed in the following manner ” Inguva yedu yekumbosevawo” ( It is our time to share the spoils) and from this you will get the negative consequences of plunder of state resources which is unlike in the West were elites come together to protect privilege in the creation of wealth which will in turn collaterally benefit the majority. From the above it is prudent that research is directed at finding a mechanism to harness all potential power blocks in state and institutional arrangements for the benefit of the common good. The BEE in SA and indigenisation in Zimbabwe were good efforts at using state resources for creating wealth through existential networks of struggle comrades and supporters. What lacked in these policies though was the apportionment of power to beneficiaries in a manner intended to strengthen state institutions.
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differently. There is no one group, individual or group with express monopoly of power but rather it remains a contested area, it is a limited resource and those who have it “move society” so to speak. The Functionalist theory of power sees it as a collective national resource, Democratic pluralist theory of power sees power dispersed and located in the many, the elite theory sees power in the hands of a few privileged, The Marxist class theory sees power as contested between the rich and the poor, the haves and have nots and the feminists see power as domination by men hence they see the need to develop more gender sensitive models of power such as transformative and empowerment approaches to power. All theories are therefore relevant to the study of power which can never be a one size fits all.
The chapter also analyzed the various sources, forms and bases of power and how they are employed in leading people. Power comes in various ways, each of which has different effects on the targets of that power. Some derive from individual characteristics, others draw on aspects of organizational structure. Whether they are aware of it or not, professionals use their power to extend their ethics (or lack of ethics) to other members of the organization.
This is done when they influence the organizational members to follow or not a certain pattern of life or standard operating procedures. Power is not a preserve of the leadership but can be wielded by basically anyone within an organization or functional structure. The chapter examined reward power, expert power, coercive power and referent power as the bases of power.
The chapter explored the interconnection between power and leadership. In conclusion, the chapter unpacked the notion of power as understood in the pre-colonial, colonial and post- colonial Africa. In this discourse on power it was noted that in both the Western and pre- colonial Africa dispensations, power and leadership were, and in the case of the contemporary Western practice, remain a tool for enabling positive change for the good of followers. In the case of the classical Western persuasion whether in plural democracy or elitism, the key feature of reference is the need for strong governance institutions as a check against abuse of state power. However the situation of post-colonial Africa has marked a tragic departure from the past where majority of leaders with a few exceptions believe in
‘strong man ‘ rule, weak institutions and even failed governments which will facilitate pillage of state resources, so often you hear about the ‘one centre of power’ which bestows all state power in the hands of one individual, no wonder Lord Acton would say, “power corrupts and
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absolute power corrupts absolutely”. With this line of argument it is in no doubt therefore that the Western models of power and leadership may not be the best for post-colonial Africa.
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CHAPTER FOUR: EXAMINING THE NEED FOR ETHICS IN LEADERSHIP