CHAPTER TWO
5. Factors mediating peer talk
Subject Adolescent
Rules
Can talk on 'taboo' topics
Mediating artefacts Media: books,
television, magazines Games
Object ^outcome Knowledge/
information/
orientation
Community Peers/
adolescents
Division of Labour
Experienced/inexperienced
Figure 7. Factors mediating peer talk
Participants in all age categories recalled engaging in some form of peer talk on the topic of sex, but a comparison of accounts revealed that in contrast to previous generations, contemporary
adolescents access information about sex from a broad range of sources that include television, magazines, books, and school-based sexuality education (social and cultural artefacts).
The results indicate that adolescents' access to a broader range of sex related information is reflected in the scope of contemporary peer talk. Young adolescent participants, more than any of the other participants in this study, pushed the bounds of what was spoken about. For example, in the process of a focus group discussion 14 year old adolescents talked with peers about pornographic material that they had viewed, and about the sorts of sexual practices that are generally considered to be taboo - beyond what is traditionally understood as 'normal' sexual conduct (see extract 23). A number of interesting factors about peer talk emerged from their discussion on pornography. Firstly,
individuals in the group named and described various sexual practices to the other members of the group illustrating how young people use peer talk to learn about sex. Secondly, it appeared that in the context of peer talk adolescents were comfortable enough not only to talk about sex, but to talk about taboo themes pertaining to sex and sexuality. This adds weight to the suggestion of Ntlabati et al. (2001) that a lot of what adolescents learn prior to becoming sexually active comes from peers, and Rozema's (1986) finding that the communication climate among peers is less defensive than it is between parents and adolescents. Although as stated earlier, the latter may be mediated by the issues at hand and peers' attitudes pertaining to those issues.
Following from this, taboo themes in peer talk were not limited to talk on pornography or graphic descriptions of sexual practices. In one focus group discussion adolescents discussed issues pertaining to homosexuality (extracts 9 and 10). Participants comments on homosexuality and lesbianism in particular in this discussion indicated that discriminatory attitudes towards
homosexuals in broader South African society (Human Rights Watch, 2003), were reflected in peer talk. The group's discussion on the topic of homosexuality was initially very stereotyped and, given the significant impact of peer beliefs on young peoples' attitudes and behaviour (Forehand &
Wierson, 1993), it is arguable that this might have had the effect of silencing individuals within the group who did not agree with the discriminatory views presented by the majority in the group, or those individuals who had had homosexual experiences themselves. From this it appears that peer talk is mediated by the dominant attitudes of the peer group.
In the literature review it was mentioned that homosexuality has been an historically marginalised area of research. In South Africa, perspectives on homosexuality in early psychological literature were extremely discriminatory in that homosexuality was initially conceptualised as pathological (Potgieter, 2003). For this reason it offers very little relevant insight for contemporary research, other than providing a critical reflection on the politics of knowledge production. Research conducted on adolescence and homosexuality in the U.S.A is undertaken within the context of HIV/AIDS, given that HIV/AIDS in the U.S.A is most prevalent among marginalised groups, and this includes male homosexuals. In South Africa HIV/AIDS has been conceptualised as a
predominantly heterosexual disease, and along with the limited acceptance of homosexuality in South African society (Human Rights Watch, 2003), has resulted in a complete absence of research focus on sexuality issues as they pertain to gay and lesbian youth in South Africa. Following from this, it was not surprising that homosexuality was not identified as a topic in parent-adolescent talk among participants in this study. It is however interesting that homosexuality emerged as an issue in peer talk because it indicates a greater flexibility in this activity system to assimilate change and the challenges presented by contemporary issues that, to some degree, usurp the status quo.
Discussion of homosexuality in the focus group was prompted by an article on lesbianism that featured in a women's magazine, which illustrates how contemporary adolescents' access to a broad range of media mediates the topic and scope of peer talk. In the light of this it is arguable that peer talk provides a platform for adolescents to talk about issues pertaining to sex and sexuality that they
Adolescents' discussion on homosexuality yielded additional results for this study. Firstly, in contrast to stereotypical attitudes initially espoused by individuals in the group, at a later stage of the focus group discussion those same individuals spoke about how they value their friendships with gay friends. This change in tack was interesting because it made it appear as if contradictions within the activity of peer talk are accommodated more easily than in parent-adolescent talk. In other words, among peers, talk on homosexuality was not completely silenced, and in addition, young people appeared to be able to incorporate knowledge from their own experiences with gay men, even when they simultaneously held homophobic views. This indicates that young peoples' internalisation of dominant cultural stereotypes is not straightforward, but, on the contrary, is characterised by
resistance and contestation. Resistance and contestation are central features of activity theory, which Engestrom agues are necessary for the activity to develop and change. This feature highlights the dynamics of peer talk.
Secondly, apart from being an irrational bias toward gay and lesbian people, homophobia brings into view critical issues pertaining to masculinity and heterosexuality, and some of those issues relate to the findings of this study. In most societies gender is rigidly defined as male and female, and an underlying assumption of this belief is that binary gender identities are 'natural' - men are masculine and women are feminine. Homosexuality disrupts this conceptualisation of gender, as indicated by the stereotypical depictions of homosexual women as masculine and homosexual men as feminine (homosexuals who do not fit these stereotypes are often assumed to be heterosexual). This usurps sexual orientation hegemony - for a man to be called gay is insulting, arguably because gay men are stereotypically conceived of as being 'feminine' and, given the lower status afforded to women in society, for a man to be associated with feminine attributes, is degrading.
Following from this, in order to understand why female participants should feel threatened by the idea of homosexuality, it is arguable that an account of women's investment and role in the reproduction of hegemonic masculinity is required. In the literature review it was stated that heterosex, and correspondingly, male domination and female submission is an important feature of hegemonic masculinity. Within this context, queer theorists (e.g. Blumenfield, 1992) suggest that homophobia is a means by which rigidly defined gender roles can be maintained. This supports a heterosexual ideal and, in turn, hegemonic masculinity.
From the findings of this study, homophobia and the normalisation of coercive heterosexual relations in participants' narratives indicate that women do play a role in perpetuating hegemonic masculinity.
However, while the costs to women are apparent, in terms of their experiences of coercive/violent sex as well as the challenges it presents to women who want to negotiate safer sex practices, it is not clear from the results of this study what benefit women derive from it. The issue of women's participation in the perpetuation of hegemonic masculinity has been identified in the findings of other South African research (Shefer et ah, 1998), although the issue remains under-explored.
There is however, mounting evidence from South African research which increasingly problematises heterosex as a risk factor in women's health indicates that this is an area of inquiry that deserves more attention (Campbell et al, 1998; Human Rights Watch, 1995; Jewkes et al, 2003; Jewkes et al, 2000; Shefer et al, 1998; Varga & Makabalo, 1996; Wood & Foster, 1995; Wood & Jewkes,
1997; Wood et al, 1998). Insight into women's investments in the perpetuation of their own subordination may also shed some light on the silences around coercive and forced sex experiences as well as the lack of parental, and indeed, broader social and cultural engagement on that issue.