CHAPTER TWO
3. Methodology
3.6 Method of analysis
3.6.1 Information management
Once all the interviews had been conducted and data had been collected and transcribed, interview and focus group transcripts were read and re-read a number of times so that the researcher could become familiar with the contents of each interview transcript. When the transcripts had been read through a number of times the researcher began to identify broad themes around the topic of 'talk'.
The researcher identified who 'talk' was with, for example, mothers and friends. The researcher identified topics related to 'talk' such as AIDS and contraception, as well as instances where
participants described what it felt like to talk on a particular topic or with a particular person. Once some of the broad themes had been identified the researcher was ready to begin with the systematic coding of all data.
3.6.2 Analytic tool: Grounded Theory
Data, in the form of text transcribed from the interview tapes, was analysed using Grounded Theory.
Grounded Theory was chosen as a tool for analysis of data because, given that this study followed an inductive theme of inquiry, it would not have been prudent to abstract the data from the context in which it occurred. Secondly, Grounded Theory is a flexible analytic procedure that allows the researcher to explore emerging relations in themes and concepts (Glazer & Strauss, 1967).
In answer to the question, "How do we do Grounded Theory?" Charmaz (2000, p. 151) explains that grounded theorists code data, and this coding helps to define and categorise the data. This process enables the researcher to gain a perspective on the data, which in turn informs further data collection.
For the purposes of this study, Grounded Theory coding procedures provided by Strauss and Corbin (1998) informed the analysis procedure. These are:
• Open coding, is a process in which the researcher forms initial categories of information relating to the study (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Strauss and Corbin (1998) suggest various techniques for open coding such as line-by-line coding (ibid.) which entails a close reading of the text line-by-line. Alternatively, the researcher can read through paragraphs or brief
sections of texts in order to identify themes. In addition, it is suggested that the researcher read through the entire transcript and ask "what is going on here?" (Strauss & Corbin, 1998, p.114).
In this study many of the open codes developed from themes identified by the researcher while reading through the transcripts and interview notes. Properties relating to each code were also identified. For example one code was 'taboo topics' and tied to this code were instances where participants said they could not talk on a particular topic. This was determined largely by the person to whom they were talking. The properties of 'taboo topics' thus included (i) the person at whom talk was directed, (ii) the topic of the
conversation, and (iii) the consequences that were expected to follow from talk on that topic.
In addition to identifying themes from the interview transcripts the researcher always asked the question "what is going on here?" The reason for asking this question was that the interview was itself as instance of talk about sex and thus not only an exercise in data collection, but of data generation. This meant that it was important to note which topics or issues were difficult for the participant to talk about in the process of the interview.
• Axial coding, once a central theme is identified, conditions are identified that help to explain the phenomenon and data is then re-assembled to reflect this (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). In this study conditions between and across subjects of different ages were contrasted and compared in order to explore the effects of different social and cultural norms and ideals over a period of time.
• Selective coding, a story emerges and the researcher writes the story by integrating the categories in the axial coding model (Strauss & Corbin, 1998).
3.6.3 Evidence
The interpretation of results in this study tells a story about people, social and cultural processes and situations, and constructing a story is not an objective activity. Charmaz (2000) argues that a story reflects the viewer as well as the viewed. For this reason, a criticism of Grounded Theory is that researchers can choose evidence selectively {ibid), and this poses a challenge to a researcher's interpretation of her subjects' experiences.
There are three responses to this criticism. Firstly, as Strauss and Corbin (1998) point out, data is always a (re)construction of experience rather than the original experience itself. Thus, in every study the reconstruction of data is an inevitable activity, and this risk is therefore not limited to analysis using Grounded Theory. Secondly, in this study every piece of data was analysed and the main themes arising from comprehensive data treatment (Silverman, 2000) formed the focus of the analysis. Finally, the findings can be assessed in terms of their plausibility (Seale, 2004). This entails assessing the plausibility of the findings of the current study in the light of what is already known on the subject.
3.6.4 Computer-assisted analysis of qualitative data
The interview and focus group transcripts were saved in Rich Text Format and assigned a
Hermeneutic Unit in ATLAS.ti. ATLAS.ti is a qualitative analysis programme developed to assist in the analysis of large bodies of textual data (Buhr, 1997). ATLAS.ti is not the only available software for qualitative analysis. Other qualitative analysis programmes include programmes such as
NUD»IST and NVivo. However, as many ATLAS, ti features are based on Grounded Theory principles (ibid.) and as Grounded Theory is the analytical method adopted in this study, ATLAS.ti seemed to be the obvious choice in analysis software. Qualitative analysis software such as
ATLAS.ti enables the researcher to analyse textual data with more rigour. For example, it is possible to count the number of times a particular phenomenon occurs (e.g. a particular topic) as well as for searching for deviant cases (Silverman, 2000).
3.6.5 Activity systems
Each transcript was coded using the open coding technique described above. In the process of open- coding relations between themes and concepts were identified and theoretical relations between codes began to emerge - and the preliminary stages of axial coding begun. However, before further developing axial codes, the researcher mapped the open codes into activity systems. This was done in accordance with the framework provided by the second generation of Activity Theory.
Diagrammatical representations aided in the identification of mediating factors within each system of activity. For example, the subject, the types of rules and conditions applicable in that system of activity, and the community - or as it is also known, and more aptly referred to as the 'presence of others'. Secondly, themes relating to talk within a particular activity system were identified. For
example, it became easier through diagrammatical representation to identify the relation between the community and the types of rules that applied in that communicative context. For example, a 'rule' identified in parent-adolescent talk is that adolescents are "too young to be doing it". This rule served as a mediator in the topic and scope of sexuality talk between parents and adolescents
because it meant that adolescents could not talk about their experience(s) without acceding to having broken the rule. This example elaborates on the way in which axial codes were developed through open coding and the mapping of open codes into activity systems.
Axial codes were further developed by grouping codes identified in the open-coding process into categories. This is done by identifying codes with a common theme, creating a code category with a name describing that theme, and assigning associated codes to that category. This process results in elaborate networks that illustrate how groups of codes are related to one another. Finally, the researcher was able to compare mediating elements across systems of activity, for example by comparing parent-adolescent talk with peer talk. This involved theorising about the inter-relatedness of code categories and this constituted the selective coding process.
3.6.6 Constant comparison
Constant comparison stems from the coding process (Silverman, 2000). Once data had been coded into categories and ideas about the properties of those categories began to emerge, the researcher attempted to integrate different categories and noted how they interacted. For example, in the process of generating a category of rules that applied to participants talk on the topic of sex it became apparent that different rules applied to different groups of people - people who are parents and adolescents - and that the rules that applied within and between groups were also often
contradictory. Noting how particular rules applied in particular instances of talk and not in others was a process of constant comparison. This process aided in the analysis of data by making it possible to elucidate contradictions within the different systems of activity (communicative contexts). It also added to the validity of the findings of the study because constant comparison requires a continuous testing of emerging knowledge for alternate interpretation, and this also involves comprehensive data treatment (ibid.) as the researcher repeatedly moves back and forth between different parts of the data.