SOMALI WOMEN’S MIGRATION INTO SOUTH AFRICA 4.1 Introduction
4.2 The contextual background of Somali Nationals .1 The Country .1 The Country
4.2.6 Feminization of Somali migration
Due to gender hierarchies and the societal expectations toward a migrating population, the decision to migrate has been portrayed as a communal and a familial affair defined by those institutions. Also, the decision is motivated by the migrant’s responsibility over the family left behind, in terms of sending home the remittances that would support their livelihoods. The family, argues Lalonde & Topel (1997), will continue to send family members to other countries in order to maximize their net income through foreign remittances. This sending, however, suggests a gendered migration, whereby the migrant women can only be sent and that the decision to migrate cannot originate from them. Nevertheless, notable literature (Brown, 2014; Shafer, 2012; van der Velde & Naerssen, 2016) points out that woman can also migrate on their own right and above all, they can move unaccompanied, within the transnational space.
The Social Network theory affirms that migration is not an individual activity but rather a social activity that involves decision informed by the interpersonal ties individuals have. The theory of Social Network points out that migrants have ties within the transnational space that provide migrants with information about risks involved, opportunities in the recipient country, cost of migrating[…] (Borgatti, et al, 2009; Poston & Bouvier, 2010:213; Oishi, 2002:7; Raghuram ,1999; Vandererf &
Heering, 1996:154). Such information coupled with material support from existing ties in diaspora could facilitate migration of women unaccompanied by male counterparts or even a reliance on their families for a decision to relocate. These ties, which proffer information about the expectations in the country of destination, enable the migrants to strategize and envision activities to undertake in preparation to setting off on a journey to a new territory (Mahler and Pessar, 2008). Under the theory of Gendered Geographies of Power, there is imagination or the mind work element, that underpins the necessity of proper strategizing and envisioning activities to undertake before a migrant can set out on a journey. This study establishes that, before migration,
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Somali women were imagining their mobility and the future of their destination country (South Africa).I argue this because, most women pointed out that they mobilized some resources (this involves a lot of planning) to support their long and risky journey to South Africa. Also, a handful of them envisioned a particular place to stay and who might potentially accommodate them. South Africa, an attraction to most migrants due to her multifaceted opportunities, was a source of admiration to most Somali women who overlooked several countries in Africa to get into her borders. In this respect, the cognitive perspective played a part in constructing images about South Africa that ensued planning their mobility in order to fulfill their expectations. When Zara heard that South Africa was a good country in terms of the opportunities, she started planning on coming to South Africa through mobilizing some resources.
After hearing that South Africa was a good country in terms of security and employment, I thought about moving into the country. I had too much expectations and hope in my mind of South Africa.
Before I started my journey, I had to ask some friends and family members to give me some money so that my journey could be successful.
Mahler & Passar (2003) argue that people are born into a given social location that confers on them certain advantages and disadvantages (Pessar and Mahler, 2003:816).
Zara was able to migrate to South Africa because she got financial support from her family members who are financialy stable. If she had not been born into a family of stable family members and friends, it would be hard for her to migrate due to the fact that migration requires a lot of resources mobilized in view of the anticipated journey.
During the interviews, the researcher established that the Somali community in Mayfair and Pretoria comprised of economic migrants from Kenya, and refugees who fled from Somalia for fear of persecution. Amina who was a victim of Somali conflict came alone unaccompanied after losing her husband and father in the war. Due to the
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harsh and insecure environment created by war, it’s obvious that the decision to migrate was on an involuntary basis, given lack of alternatives to adapt in such an insecure environment. Amina’s decision to migrate is well expressed in her story in that;
There was no one that decided or told me to move. When there is war, you just move in order to save your life first. There was terrible war and therefore I had to run away and save my live. I left our families who, some were killed. This was the time that husband or wife is on their own. I believe my husband died in that war, because I have never heard of him up to today. I left my child and run away. It’s a real challenge because no one wants to be separated from their children.
But I ran away, to save my life.
The independence of the Somali women in their decision to migrate unaccompanied by their spouses is propelled by the circumstances which they find themselves. In fact, due to the fear of the unknown reality ahead, one of the interview participants revealed that relatives would often discourage them from migrating and would advise them to just stay and endure the predicaments that every other Somalian encountered.
Shafer, is originally from Somalia but married a Kenyan from the North Eastern province, who later divorced her with her two children. Due to that experience she decided not to go back to an unstable Somalia but to move on to another country.
Shafer said:
They did not allow me to go to South Africa. My family knew that South Africa is not peaceful. The only way I came to South Africa, I left my children behind and later found my way of bringing my child to South Africa.
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