NEGOTIATION OF GENDER RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF XENOPHOBIA-AFROPHOBIA IN THE TRANSNATIONAL SPACE
5.3 Gender dynamics in the context of Somalia
In order to understand the manner in which Somali women migrants experience the transnational territories and how migration shapes their lives within transnational territories, a quest into the gender relation discourse in the context of Somalia is of paramount importance. An honest expedition into the concept, while establishing their
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background from the Somali context, would enable the study to establish the manner in which the activities of women are impacted by the religious, cultural, statutory structures that reinforce their subordination or reconstructions of their lives.
Gender relations in Somalia has historically been shaped by the religious and cultural institutions that define the plight of Somali women. This has seen womens’ inclusion in the public arena suffer, despite the push by the Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in the country. Ali (2015) observes that Somali women have been sidelined by male structured institutions that have less political will to recognize their leadership and decision making roles, a condition that is reinforced by the fact that men are socialized in a society that is overtly patriarchal. The gender inequality which was shaped by the deeply rooted patriarchy was exacerbated by the two decades of military rule that saw boys and girls socialized in an androcentric environment. Also, the aftermath of the collapse of the Siad Barre regime saw the gender segregation of Somali women in education institutions and places of work. The absence of national policies that are gender empowering has resulted in a slow progress of power structures that have impacted negatively on gender relations (Ali, 2015).
Under the Gendered Geographies of Power theory, there is the Social Locations concept that underscores a persons’ positions within power hierarchies created through historical, political, economic, geographic, kingship-based and other socially stratifying factors (Pessar & Mahler, 2001:6).They are born into such power hierarchies that either offers them advantage or disadvantage in navigating through the patriarchal institutions within the transnational territories. For instance, Somali women coming from Kenya have a Swahili and English language background and a more open culture over other Somalis from Somalia that enables them to interact with people from other nationalities from Africa. Also, a Somali black woman continues to negotiate their ‘Somaliness’ within Gauteng in relation to their race and skin tone.
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In Somalia, the community operates from a very male-controlled belief system that legitimizes the social economic independence of men. In the precolonial era, women were expected to be the house keepers and care takers of livestock, a gender role that was very significant for the survival of the household. Political engagement was a no- go zone for Somali women, and so were the roles outside the household domain (Abdi, 2014). The man was regarded as the bread winner in line with religious and socio- cultural requirements (Abdi, 2014; Kapteijins, 1995). This dependence of women on men would later be reinforced by the colonial masters, thus, placing women in a state of subordination by the community and the state, which were both androcentric (Abdi, 2014, Kapteijins, 1995). The women were socially, politically and economically marginalized so much so that they had to depend on men in varied ways.
Somalia is highly patriarchal with few policies that safeguard the rights of women against Gender Based Violence and discrimination against women at border control (Kapteijins, 1995; UNDP, 2012).The patriarchal systems buttress the overlapping complexities based on their gender, culture and religion. Due to their gender, women are discriminated against, in terms of access to inheritance and land rights. In addition to discrimination on land rights, Connor et al (2016) points out that, women are also subject to limited access to education facilities in Somalia as a result of the country’s inequalities. The religion has significantly intersected with gender to trivialize the Somali women, as Abdi (2007) observes, [that] in Somalia, conservative Islam is practised and this regulates the sexuality of women and their way of dressing.
The Somalis, who are predominantly Muslims, hold fast to the teachings of Prophet Mohamed, as contained in the Holy Qur’an, the Islamic doctrines taught by their Imams, and cultural norms and belief systems which are significant in ordering the lives of the Somali community. Nevertheless, the place of women has progressively improved due to the emerging economic demands that push women to challenge norms that tie them to traditional gender roles. In both Somalia and Kenya, Somali women have notably engaged actively in public circles, albeit with complexities due
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to patriarchal institutions. The new Somali constitution which was adopted in 2012 in Mogadishu advocated for women’s political rights while suffocating the clan system of governance that hampered women’s public participation. Although Somali is a United Nations Member state, it has not yet ratified the Convention for Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). This poses a challenge to the Somali women who face various forms of discrimination, while they could use CEDAW as the international law to safeguard their rights. The Federal government of Somalia that has the constitution guarantees women’s participation in the public arena, despite the presence of the conservative institutions that do not believe in the strength of women. The Hadith or Koran does not exclude Somali women from playing any public role in the public but the belief that women can fall prey to temptation and conflict because of their moral vulnerability, hampers their struggle towards public participation (UNICEF, 2002).
Although there are ongoing efforts to further improve women’s lives in keeping with the constitution and women’s call for their emancipation through various agencies and roles womens expectations are still gendered. Their belief systems and traditions continuously weaken full participation of women outside traditional gendered roles within patriarchal institutions. Most Somali women are not aware of their rights in Islam. This adds to fear of women pursuing certain roles that would involve public participation. According to Farooq (2004), Islam considers men and women as equal so much so that it advocates the right to education and the owning of property that would give them power to negotiate gender roles. When Muslim women (Somali) have access to rights such as education, property, political participation and are aware of those rights, they are able to negotiate gender powers that define their gender roles.
In fact, there is a school of thought among Muslims scholars that advances the view that Islam is positive about equality of men and women in the society (Farooq, 2004;
Henning, Sattelberger, 2016). They argue that, in order to comprehend the dimension of justice, equality and being considerate to the other person, the reader of the Qur’an
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has to apply contextual analysis.22 The Islamic faith allows women to access rights to inherit and possess property, access education and any other treatment that a man would have based on equality of persons (Farooq, 2004; Henning, Sattelberger, 2016).
The Islamic faith, as Warsame (2004) argues, does not prohibit women from having their own incomes as long as one doesn’t engage in illegal business and dress outside of Islamic attire. Although Islam has been used as a tool for reinforcing androcentrism23, some Muslim scholars are increasingly engaging the religion of Islam by comprehending the rights of women within Islamic jurisprudence.
In Somalia, women continue to undergo rape and other forms of intimidation. This is being used as a strategy for instilling fear among them. Their stories demonstrated that Al-Shabaab would use rape, forced marriages, graphics of kidnapped women to intimidate them, and consequently demonstrate their power over a society that is anti- Al-Shabaab. Al-Shabaab uses culture and religion as a tool to justify their acts of violence. In this regard, women pointed out that rape and sexually related intimidations were a way of keeping women indoors, as women are traditionally perceived to belong within their households. Thus when those insurgents realize that some members of the community are supplying the African Mission to Somalia (AMISON) and the Somali government with the intelligence information, they use all manners of intimidation including sexual violence. Abdulizak said:
The Somali women would narrate horrendous stories about rape, kidnapping and torture. The Al-Shabaab would show them graphics of women that had been kidnapped, raped, forced to marry and those
22 Contextual analysis is reading the Holy Books (Bible, Koran, Gita) while keeping into consideration the context it was written and putting it into the context of today. The bible exegesis use this methods a lot.
23 I.e. women have to cover their whole body because it could be a source of temptation to men-yet Islam doesn’t order men to cover their bodies as it does to the Muslim women. The traveling of women during migration is also discouraged in some communities by invoking the sacred teachings within Islam.
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that were used as suicide bombers as a ploy to make them fear Al- Shabaab. This was also to make them fear to report them to the government. This made the Somali women leave the country and come to South Africa.