2.7 Developmental theories and the development of aggression
2.7.1 Foundational developmental theories
Psychological development involves qualitative and quantitative psychological change associated with the passage of time and age. Development can be defined as a process of gradual unfolding and fuller working out of the details. Much of human development has been shown to be universal, but much of it is also emergent, historically and culturally contingent, according to Greene (2003).
Many theories have been advanced in past psychological literature that attempt to explain how people change over time; cognitively, emotionally, socially and morally.
Child-development theories, such as the Piagetian and Eriksonian stages in the life- cycle, have been applied to the phenomenon of aggression, especially in conjunction with theories on the development of morality (e.g. Kohlbergian theory). All of this research has largely presupposed a universal set of stages through which a “normal”
child hierarchically develops, inexorably heading towards the ultimate ideal of individuation, autonomy, self-actualisation and higher levels of morality. However, since males have been considered to be the primary aggressors in society, research conclusions have been largely based on studies of males and violence, and a focus on the female gender has been noticeably lacking (Besag, 2006; Gilligan, 1982).
2.7.1.2 Piagetian theories of development
Piaget (1929) developed a theory wherein he focused on cognition and the
development of intentional intelligent (moral) behaviour within the child in order to obtain satisfaction of his/her needs. He theorizied that initially the child‟s behaviour is completely based on reflex (up to age 2 years) (Bae, 1999). Piaget‟s theory of
development involves a movement from external (others socialize the child with regard to what is right and wrong) to internal moral conscience, wherein the child is able to take the perspective of the other and has absorbed within him/herself the
„rules‟ of interpersonal relationships. Finally from adolescence onwards, increasingly sophisticated cognitive development leads to the development of higher moral
standards, which is ongoing throughout the life span (Bae, 1999). Piaget (1932, as cited in Youniss, 1980) postulated that the source of morality is not only through socialization by adults, but equally through interpersonal relationships between a child and his/her peers: “…children together can construct a mutually understood principled morality which puts common benefit above individual interest” (p. xiv).
The key concept in the development of morality, according to Youniss (ibid) is therefore that of reciprocity.
2.7.1.3 Eriksonian theories of development
Erik Erikson, another seminal developmental theorist, focused more on social
interactions in his theory of the Eight Stages of Personality Development through the life span (Bae, 1999). The resolution of each stage depends on how well the previous
ones were resolved. He believed that a personality is not pre-determined; rather a unique psycho-social personality results from the interaction of all experiences with people. Human development therefore, in Erikson‟s view, is strongly influenced by culture and the social structure within which a child is raised (Bae, 1999). Erikson‟s theory has been criticized by Gilligan (1982) for being largely based on his
observation of boys. Only his first stage (trust versus mistrust) anchors development in the experience of relationship. Throughout the process, in this theory, development becomes synonymous with separation and other than in infancy allows no preparation for the stage of intimacy. Gilligan (1982) argues that men only begin to discover in mid-life the importance of intimacy, relationships and care – this is something that women have known from the beginning (it is „instinctive‟). Gilligan (1982) asserts that psychologists have neglected to describe the moral development of women, which is based on the expansion of this knowledge.
2.7.1.4 Early childhood development and aggression
Because of the negative impact on society when childhood aggression leads to adult psychopathology and criminal behaviour, much empirical data has been gathered on the development of aggressive behaviour in children. A consistent theme which has emerged, state Cummings, Iannotti, and Zahn-Waxler (1989), is that the patterns of aggressive behaviour change with developmental age. If we can understand the development of this phenomenon, we are more likely to detect the early markers and roots of aggressive behavioural patterns with a view to more effectively intervening.
These authors therefore investigated the development of aggression in early childhood. They found that individual differences in physical aggression amongst boys tended to be relatively stable from age two to five years, whereas the findings for girls indicated less stability. They argue that this suggests a greater role of
temperament (which could then be a predictive variable) in the continuity of
aggression in boys, although they acknowledge that early socialization practices could also have an effect. On the other hand, for girls, since the expression of anger may be less acceptable to parents, they may be subjected to greater socialization pressure to curb their overt expressions of aggression. Although such data holds promise as evidence for the early appearance of sex differences, both in the stability and in the developmental trajectories of aggression, more research is needed in this area (Cummings et al., 1989). Terrie Moffitt‟s (2003) work supplements this view; she
argues that boys tend to have more of the individual risk factors considered to be predictors for more severe antisocial tendencies, such as neurological abnormalities, difficult temperament and hyperactivity.
2.7.2 Theories of cognitive development and aggression