Introduction
This chapter seeks to trace the beginning of missionary activity among the Barolong, in particular the Ratshidi, the Rapulana and the Ratlou (Molema, 1956:5). It illuminates the unconsciousness of the colonization of the Barolong‟s conscience. It deals with the missionary impact on these groups in the area of western education, the gospel and the secular politics rooted in a capitalist market economy. Finally, it discusses in independent church movement among the Ratshidi, Ratlou and Rapulana.
The first missionary contact with the Barolong dated back to the difaqane in 1820s the Barolong moved between Khunwana and Phitshane to be far from Batlokwa of Mantatise who had attacked them in Khunwana. The Barolong‟s world was in the grip of forces led loose by the rise of Shaka. At the time many chiefs were desperate to have missionaries within their royal court because the forces of difaqane attempted to imperil their autonomy. The Missionaries entered this theater of war with technical skills capable of making decisive different – guns, plows, irrigation methods and means of distance communication (Commaroff and Commaroff, 1992: 161). Almost from the start they became mediators among the displaced populations of the interior (Commaroff et al., 1992:161). The missionaries did not focus on the good news only through ecclesiastical dogmas but engaged the Barolong in secular politics, which they perceived as part of their “civilising” mission (Commaroff at al., 1992:161). So then, what was the primary task of the missionaries? Was it to “civilise” the
“barbaric” natives and transform them to become loyal colonial subjects or convert them to Christians for salvation. The Batswana in general appreciated the “practical” benefits of the missionaries but did not show any enthusiasm about their spiritual message because it was not practical and it lacked the
miracle that enshrines in the Bible. Moreover, the spiritual power of the African beliefs was based on the relations between ancestors and God and its spiritual power reigns supreme over the evangelists spiritual message. The missionaries emphasised practical reconstruction, seeking to lay the basis for conversion by transforming the person through mundane activities of every day life (Commaroff et al., Commaroff, 1992:161). From the Ratshidi‟s perspective Methodism was presented as a narrative – story of the “Good News” of coming of Christ. This helped them to weigh this new faith against their own religious practices. The two religious practices coexisted among the Barolong and there was a period where there was interplay of the two cultures and this reveals some acute dialectics.
The missionaries had to use their technical skills to create a fan of associations to reinforce their gospel in order to subsume the Barolong‟s religious belief. It is preposterous for the Commaroffs to dismiss the Barolong cultural beliefs as religion and they seem to exhibit a converse that associate God only with the new comers. According to the oral Tradition the Barolong and other Africans believed in God and in ancestors and most of them were coerced to abandon their faith that kept them alive for millions of years before the arrival of the Europeans in Africa.
Robert Moffat, was one of the first missionaries from the London Missionary Society to meet the Barolong at Phitshane in about 1822. He found Sefunelo, Tawana and Gontse who ruled the Ratlou, Ratshidi and Seleka respectively. He also met the Barolong at Chaing, where he was welcomed. Moffat did not settle among the Barolong at that time because they were always on the run from the Bataung. Very little has been written about Moffat‟s activity among the Barolong.
In 1824 the pioneer missionary to the Barolong was Rev Samuel Broadbent. He was sent from Britain to South Africa for a vague destination in Bechuanaland (Molema, 1956:5). He left for Graff-Reinett and before he could meet the Barolong he was replaced by Rev Hodgson. Hodgson met the Seleka under Chief Sefunelo who were fleeing from the Botlokwa invaders of Mantatisi
(Molema, 1956:5). In the trail of refugees the missionary found the boy namely, Diratsagae, who had been left to die because people were fleeing for their lives.
He became the first convert to Christianity, and in due cause became the first preacher and class leader (Molema, 1956:5).
Hodgson moved around with his wagon, teaching and preaching to the Barolong as opportunity arose. This evangelization campaign to convert the Barolong continued until Seleka settled below the Makwassie hills where they built houses and established the first mission station in the ZAR (Molema,1956:5). In 1824 the Wesleyan Missionary Society reviewed Hodgson‟s missionary activities and decided to deploy him to Cape Town. He was replaced by Rev James Archbell.
But before Archbell could arrive, Bataung and Batlokwa attacked Makwassie and forced the Barolong to flee (Molema,1956:6). In 1826 Hodgson returned to Makwassie. Hodgson and Archbell took the Barolong to Platberg and commenced a school, conducted a regular services and set up printing press. In 1828 they were joined by Rev John Edward and Rev Thomas Jenkins.
At the end of 1832 Platberg was swelled by other sections of the Barolong namely, the Ratlou under Gontse and the Ratshidi under Tawana who were driven from Khunwana by the AmaNdebele regiments in 1833 (Kinsman,1980:6).
The settlement of the Barolong at Platberg was not very happily situated from the point of view of water supply and grazing. The rainfall was also not abundant. It was known that large tracts of unoccupied land lay along the source of the Modder, Caledon and Riet Rivers towards Basutoland and missionaries decided to explore the possibility of a settlement there (Kinsman,1980:386). At the beginning of May 1833 an impressive expedition set out for this purpose. It consisted of 11 wagons and several armed horseman, Motlhare and Jacob Ngakantsi who where Chief Moroka‟s counselors, and some Griqua of Barend barends, Korannas of Jan Kaptein and Piet Baatjes from New Zealand, under the direction of Wesleyan missionaries, James Achbell and John Edwads (Molema,1966:22). After ten days of traveling, the expedition arrived to the land
which was suitable for settlement. Negotiations were completed with the Basotho King Moshoeshoe about the place where the Barolong could settle. Moshoshoe gave the land known as Thaba-Nchu to the Seleka-Barolong led by the missionary party (Molema,1951:36). Archbell, who had now become ”Moroka‟s missionary”, often visited Moroka and Tawana at their homes and tried to convert them to Christianity but with little success. The missionary began his evangelical work, first among chiefs and headmen. He befriended Tawana‟s sons, Montshiwa, Motshegare and Molema to whom he emphasised the need for salvation. Archbell urged the Barolong to offer the Boers cattle because their cattle had been taken over by Mzilikazi and they were practically without food. He encouraged the Barolong to extend the gesture of generosity to the stranded Boers (Molema, 1951:46). Chief Moroka who succeeded Sefunelo thus handed the cattle over to the Boers.
The missionaries did not only establish mission stations and change societies through Christian doctrine, western education and culture, but also played the role of mediation officers and advisors to the Barolong chiefs in the period of crisis and conflict and this role was outside the Christian paradigm. This peace keeping mission by the missionaries was a backdrop of bigger ideas, such as Christianity and capitalism. The missionaries used their status as Europeans to negotiate with other chiefs, the Boers and the British authorities in matters which affected the Barolong. Due to their status they were accommodated by the British and the Boers. The Barolong realized the respect offered to missionaries by the Boers and the British government and they realized that they should offer them the same respect which meant following their gospel.
The Ratshidi from Thaba-Nchu made their way to Lotlhakane and Montshiwa assumed his duties as chief of Ratshidi at the end of 1849. His people resided and settled down to normal life after being absent from their land for eighteen years because of their flight from AmaNdebele force. One of Montshiwa first acts as chief was to send his brother Molema to Thaba-Nchu to request the
Wesleyans for a teacher. Molema had no difficulty in convincing Montshiwa to have missionary advisor at his court. Montshiwa had witnessed the diligence and generosity of Archbell and J. Cameron in rendering services to Chief Moroka and facilitating his relations with other groups (A979,ad6.1:3-8; Molema,1966:35). He had seen for himself how the French missionaries Arbousset, Eugene Casalis and other guided and piloted Moshoeshoe through the network of European diplomacy which threatened to entangle him. It was becoming a trend to African chiefs to have missionaries at their courts. The missionaries were significant particularly during the so-called Great Trek because the Boers introduced the system of treaties with the Africans and wanted to use this as a ploy to dispossess their land. In the period before 1822 Africans moved from one area to the next without rigid jurisdiction. Montshiwa was afraid he could be robbed of his forefathers‟ land by the Boers and therefore needed missionaries within his court to take precautionary measures.
The presence of missionaries defused hostilities within African communities.
Montshiwa and his councilors had no experience in dealing with whites and they did not want to risk being subservient to them. Barolong-Basotho relation, for example, was cemented by missionaries in Thaba-Nchu when the Basotho gave up their land to the Seleka-Barolong. In addition, the missionaries managed to convince the Barolong to provide food to the Boers who were helpless after Mzilakazi had taken the cattle. When the Wesleyans in Thaba-Nchu gave Montshiwa the Rev Joseph D.M. Ludorf, he was welcomed in January 1850. In 1878 Ludorf acted as an emissary for all the Barolong against the Boers, particularly in the ongoing diamond dispute (Molema, 1966:66). He was the head of the delegation of the Barolong which met the Boers in connection with the Barolong land. He was there to ensure that the Barolong and other groups of the Botswana were not robbed by the Boers. Sir Henry Barkly, the Cape Governor and British High Commissioner, sent the copy of the Keate decision to Ludorf at Klipdriff, and he at once translated its text into Setswana and sent copies of the judgement to his clients, the chief of the Barolong, Batlhaping and Bangwaketse.
Ludorf urged these communities to unite to prevent any encroachment on their land by the Boers (Molema, 1966:66). This role that he played often united certain sections of the Batswana and resulted in good relations between them.
But sometimes some sections who did not have missionaries at their kgotla, like the Rapulana, felt left out and misrepresented. The diamond fields won by the Barolong in 1817 were ultimately annexed by the British authority in 1885.
Ludorf died in Dithakong on 13 January 1872. The chiefs and Barolong and Batlhaping communities lamented his death. By his death Montshiwa was left without an adviser who could read, explain and answer letters coming frequently from officials of the South African Republic and the British government.
Montshiwa requested Cameron from Thaba-Nchu to become the advisor but he was unable to do so because there were few missionaries in Thaba-Nchu.
Montshiwa relied in the meantime on the service of another Wesleyan missionary, Jonathan Webb, who had just been appointed in 1873 to work among the Ratshidi at Mafikeng and Moshaneng. Montshiwa wanted missionary justification for everything, which was related to the Boers and the British government. He realised, after the work of Ludorf, that missionaries could represent the Barolong appropriately. He knew that Africans had been robbed of their land by the Boers and if it happened to his people, missionaries would appeal to the British authority for assistance.
4.1 Missionary progress at Thaba–Nchu, the Stad, Lotlhakane and