6.3 Interview results
6.3.2 Need for reconciliation and healing
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social space and support provided opportunities for levelling differences. Religious institutions advocate behaviour of loving one another which reciprocates forgiveness. The physical structures were useful for venues of workshop trainings, counselling sessions as well as religious gatherings where reconciliation was articulated.
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ZANU-PF where the rule of law and court orders were not respected, hence social justice was undermined. With regard to operation Murambatsvina of 2005, studies by Haider (2010) and Dube and Makwerera (2012) established that MDC supporters in urban constituencies suffered from ‘operation clean-up’ under the disguise that government was dealing with illegal settlement and criminal elements yet in fact was dismantling the strongholds of MDC which defeated it in the 2005 general elections. Challenges faced by victims were homelessness, unemployment, and lack of food, health services, water and sanitation and education facilities for children, resulting in considerable traumatisation.
Another episode of political violence was experienced from 2000 to 2008. Machinga (2012), Dube and Makwerera (2012), Haider (2010) and Hororo (2015) found that elections were marred by political violence and electoral irregularities between ZANU-PF and MDC.
Violation of human rights was experienced before, during and after elections by supporters and activists of opposition political parties, church, journalists, civil society leaders, public servants and citizens. Victimisation was characterised by imprisonment, disappearances, torture, murder and rape as ZANU-PF, security services, militia and war veterans pervaded social justice orders. This negatively impacted on the physical, social and psychological life of the unfortunate citizens.
6.3.2.2. Advocacy for peace and justice
Advocacy for peace and justice as the measure for reconciliation and healing was required by Zimbabweans as had taken place in other African nations. Research results from P4 and P9 indicated that the involvement of the church in peace-building was an integral part of fulfillment of its role to advocate for peace and justice. P5 and P8 conveyed that the thrust of intervention was an acknowledgement of conflict, conflict sources and effects that violated human rights where the church facilitated in conflict transformation as way of addressing peace, justice and reconciliation to enable the divided community to co-exist and heal wounds.
Lederach’s peace-building model deals with positive peace and negative peace. Ncube (2014) advocated that peace-building was for preventing a relapse into overt violence and removal of structural and cultural violence through various approaches for recovery and expediting the removal of the underlying causes of internal war. Dobo et al. (2014) felt that advocacy by the church empowered the disadvantaged by restructuring relationships and unjust social structure through truth-telling for the healing of wounds. Saki and Katema (2011) confirmed that faith-
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based organisations, in partnership with CSOs, enhanced liberation theology to buttress injustices of the oppressed. Through advocacy, Munemo and Nciizah (2014) and Chitando and Manyonganise (2011) confirmed that the church as the conscience of society attended to humanitarian needs. Staub (2006) and Eppel (2004) established that for reconciliation to take place, peace-building actors and government should work together for the rebuilding of the destroyed homes, physical, and psychological rehabilitation as well as reintegration through cleansing ceremonies, employment opportunities and memorialisation. ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006) confirmed that the church wrote pastoral letters to government advocating for peace and justice so that violation of human rights would end as called for by Staub (2006) and Eppel (2004).
MCZ (2004) minutes of the conference confirmed the church’s ‘pushing factors’ for its involvement were based on its calling, ‘you are a chosen people, the elect, the set apart, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, a people of belonging to God, the salt and light of the world’. These pushing factors became theological stimuli for the church to take action. Categorically, findings from Muchena (2004), Chitando (2013), Togarasei (2013) Matikiti (2014) concurred that intervention was necessary and theologically mandatory and should be based on peace advocacy against rape, torture, arson, murder, destruction and deprivation of property, electoral irregularities, humanitarian aid shortages and restrictions. Also findings from Hororo (2015) confirmed that the church had a mission task for justice, hence could not remain silent in the face of evil and oppression. Also findings of Gundani (2008) reflected that Zimbabwe Council of Churches, Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Council and the National Constitutional Assembly advocated for the new constitution for positive democracy in Zimbabwe. Accordingly, studies outside Zimbabwe confirm this general trend in Africa (Staub and Pearlman, 2002; Gifford (2009) in Kenya; Sanscullotte et al. (2013) for Republic of South Sudan, Bartoli (2002) with the case of Mozambique, Gifford (2002) in Liberia and Denis (2011) regarding South Africa and Apartheid and how advocacy for peace and justice were significant for reconciliation and healing purposes).
6.3.2.3 Levels of community targeted
In view of the study results, P2, P9, P12, P14 and P15 portrayed that peace-building initiatives were targeted all levels of societies (grassroots level, middle level and national level) which is in harmony with Lederach’s theory of conflict transformation. The theoretical framework
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claims that it is of paramount importance that peace-building agents should be local rather than external. Local actors are able to be context-sensitive, respect local culture and apply a long- term approach that enables participants to manage conflicts within their own context. External assistance is best if it contributes with economic and financial support to humanitarian relief which is participatory (bottom-up).
Findings of Banana (1991) established that the church engaged the grassroots of society through leadership development in theological training of both the clergy and lay-people through UTC, vocational training centres, mission schools for primary and secondary education and health centres which also encompassed employment creation. As in the MCZ (2008b) minutes of the conference, reconciliation and healing initiatives reached out to grassroots levels through educating for justice, peace, love and forgiveness at funerals, social gatherings as well as church gatherings. Ministers conducted one-on-one counselling in home visits. The MZC (1980) conference minutes confirmed that Christian leaders infiltrated political organisations and influenced prayers, avoiding hurtful slogans like pasi nanhingi (‘down with so and so’).
Matikiti (2014) noted that ZCC, the religious mother board of main line churches inclusive of MCZ, attended the Churches’ Conference in South Africa for electoral strategic intervention to fight against the violation of human dignity in Zimbabwe. Togarasei (2013) described how the ERB crafted ‘The Zimbabwe we want’ document as a response to an unconducive environment to advocate for favourable policies and the rights of the majority through initiating training workshops for elections monitoring. Dodo et al. (2014) established that as peace- building intervention was carried out by the church comprising advocacy, intermediary, observer and education, the church reached out to all levels of society influencing society to be positive about peace by public pronouncement. Similarly, Hellencreutz (1998) confirmed that church leaders engaged with national political figures for the success of the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement. Banana (1996) and Chitando (2013) established that pastoral letters were written to the government to restore rule of law and respect for the human rights. The Daily News (22 June 2003) and the Herald (6 May 2009) acknowledged how the church ran peace- building programmes at grassroots level and promoted national healing process from the top to the grassroots. Findings by NANGO (2012) confirmed that the church ran training workshops, reconciliatory and forgiveness gatherings attended by all levels of society, hence no level of community was left unaddressed by the church.
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Study results from P5, P6 and P16 indicated that the legacy of the church on peace-building was initiated through advocacy for social justice, grooming leaders and ministering reconciliation to the entire nation as church ministers can be found throughout the country.
Banana (1996), Banana (1991) and Dodo et al. (2014) all confirmed that the church embraced reconciliation as this was part of the church doctrine, it offered social support services as well as played an advocacy role.
Regarding the research objective on the need for reconciliation and healing, the study identified that both perpetrators and victims needed reconciliation and healing. Bloomfield et al. (2003), Gundani (2008), Dube and Makwerera (2012), Matikiti (2014 and Dube (2006) revealed that perpetrators before 1980 were whites against blacks as victims; post-independence, it was blacks against whites and also the ruling party ZANU-PF against all opposition political parties. All government security structures were used to perpetrate political violence against citizens. According to Sachinyoka (2004), social justice was undermined and to avoid cyclical political violence, justice needs to take its course through reconciliation and healing between perpetrators and victims.
The study found that due to violation of human rights, all survivors of political violence need psychotherapy for PTSD. Dube (2006), Muchena (2004), Chitando (2013), Machinga (2012) and Matikiti (2014) claimed victims were traumatised by experiences such as murder and shallow graves of relatives, sexual abuse, torture, arson, abductions, land and property grabbing, electoral irregularities and displacements. Counselling intervention and restorative justice intervention were needed to address the emotional, social and psychological needs of victims. According to the study’s findings, church intervention extended even to national political leaders. Muchena, ZCBC, EFZ, Chitando (2013) and ZCC and the Herald (2008), the church fulfilled this commitment as church leaders attended the LHCC of 1979 in London for peace negotiations. The ERB on several occasions engaged the leaders of ZANU PF and MDCs for peace settlement with a proposal for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission though this was rejected, but this gave birth to GNU of 2009 as reported by the Standard (28 September – 4 October 2008).
This study also identified that peace-building initiatives reached out at grassroots level. Banana (1991), MCZ (1980), Matikiti (2014), Togarasei (2013) and Dodo et al. (2014) conceded that
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all levels were addressed which is an effective participatory approach in society. Approaches were through advocacy, intermediary, observer and education for leadership development, peace and justice awareness. Grassroots intervention was evident in the provision of institutions for social support as in provision of humanitarian aid (Banana, 1991; MCZ, 1988;
Hallencreutz, 1998), in training workshops (the Daily News, 22 June 2003; Sisulu et al., 2009), in counselling (NANGO, 2012), in teaching and preaching within the church as well as peace prayer rallies (Chitando, 2013; Hororo, 2015). Reaching out to national political leaders occurred through reminders to refocus on national rather than self-interest (Muchena, 2004;
Hallencreutz, 1998; the Herald 2008 and 6 May 2009), communication by literature writing (‘The Zimbabwe that we want’ document and pastoral letters) (ZCBC, ZCC and EFZ, 2006;
Muchena, 2004; MCZ (2014), pronouncements condemning acts of violence and lawlessness (Banana, 1996, the Herald, 26 June 2013; Hororo, 2015) and cooption into government system by deployment of church ministers to serve in government sectors (MCZ, 2005).
Also NANGO (2012) and Ncube (2014) confirmed that memorial and burial services were held by the church in partnership with other CSOs, but with no full support from the government.
Meeting all levels of the society ideal with regard to Lederach’s model of peace-building which focuses on long term transformation of conflict, as values of peace and justice, truth and mercy towards dimensional changes in personal, structural, relational and cultural aspects of conflicts.
According to the research findings, despite engagement of all levels of society, social relationships and physical healing were not well addressed. Sachinyoka (2004) and Murambadoro (2015) findings revealed that if justice was effectively fostered, the reconciliation policy of the government would not have flopped. Bloomfield et al. (2003) acknowledged unresolved social relationships between whites and blacks over the land issue as well as the strife between Ndebele and Shona ethnic groups even before colonisation of Zimbabwe. It is undisputable that social and physical needs could have been addressed if what Eppel (2004) had suggested was implemented: restorative such as reburial for mass graves, rebuilding of destroyed homes, physical and psychological rehabilitation, cleansing and memorial ceremonies as well as employment opportunities for the unemployed. Haider (2010) denied that there was justice as the government did not insist that the perpetrators stood for trials, there was no reparation/compensation for victims, and a TRC was not established which would have made peace-building more effective.
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Accordingly, the thrust for the church’s involvement was advocacy for peace and justice as a channel for peace-building. In a way this was confirmation of the existing conflict, conflict sources and effects that violated human rights. Dodo et al. (2014), Bloomfield et al. (2003), Haider (2010) and Saki and Katema (2011) revealed that combined efforts were needed between the government and other peace-building actors for justice to be restored through an effective infrastructure like the TRC in South Africa, or as in Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone as established by Denis (2011), Staub and Pearlman (2002) and Gifford (2002). Also, according to Gundani (2008), the call by the church for the new constitution was of great significance.