Ecofeminist Spirituality of Natural Disaster in Indonesian Written Folktales: An Analysis of Symbols
Purwanti Kusumaningtyas (Fakultas Bahasa dan Sastra UKSW)
purwanti.k@gmail.com
Abstract:
Indonesia yang terletak di wilayah pertemuan lempeng bumi sudah sepantasnya membuat orang Indonesia terbiasa dengan bencana alam seperti gempa bumi dan letusan gunung api. Keyakinan-keyakinan tradisional yang bagi orang modern mungkin merupakan takhayul mengajarkan kepada kita etika partnership yang diyakini oleh pandangan ekologi spiritual dan ekofeminisme. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk membahas kemungkinan-kemungkinan makna-makna simbolis atas sikap partnership spiritual terhadap bencana alam yang ada dalam cerita rakyat Indonesia, melalui analisa simbol. Telaah ini menunjukkan bahwa cerita rakyat Indonesia yang sudah tertulis mengandung banyak pesan perlindungan ekologis yang erat berkaitan dengan makna simbolik perempuan sebagai representasi spiritualitas ekofeminis. Dengan demikian cerita rakyat merupakan media yang berpotensi besar sebagai sarana menggeser pola pikir patriarkhis menjadi cara pandang yang lebih adil gender kepada generasi muda.
Key words: Spiritualitas Ekofeminis, Bencana Alam, Cerita Rakyat, Analisa Simbol
A. Introduction
People responded differently to disasters spiritually and religiously. The first response is to put the Divine as the problem solver and / or an escape to what human did wrongly to the environment. For example, in Indonesian case of forest fire recently (June 2013), The Mayor of Dumai, Sumatra, invited all people to pray for the rainfall after all efforts to extinguish the fire and reduce the thick smoke-haze did not help much. They prayed after what they did to the land: slash and burn it to prepare land for oil palm and rubber plantation, especially those in South Sumatra (http://www.antaranews.com/berita/381836/dumai-gelar-sholat-minta-hujan-untuk-atasi-asap). Forest fire and smoke-haze have happened repeatedly in the area since 1997 and Byron and Shepherd (1998) reported that it as due to the defi ie ies i oth fo est management systems and the policies and regulations that are supposed to control the
lea a e of fo est la d fo ag i ultu e.
order that the mountain gives more blessings to them, for their farming and their business, in short, their welfare and well-being (Pak Hardi from Cangkringan, Sleman, Yogyakarta, personal conversations in, November 2011; Pak Sitras Anjilin from Padepokan Tjipta Boedaja, Tutup Ngisor, Dukun, Magelang, personal conversation, July 2011).
A number of folks in Merapi mountainside even believes that the nature speaks to them only if they are willing to listen to the nature as the nature are the representation of the Divine, the source of Life. O l if people a e illi g to liste to the atu e s hispe , the the ill be a le to u de sta d the atu e s o es. The faithfull hold the philosoph wong sing gedhe gentur tapane, yo kuwi sing arep ngerti akibate hoe e is dilige tl a d faithfull contemplate and meditate, s/he will understand what the consequence is). It gives them courage to befriend with nature, no matter how hard it is.1 Those two cases reflect the conclusion of what human beings fundamentally seek for in their lives: h is a thi g at all happening? Why am I here? as what Wilber (1995) postulates as ehi d the happe stance drama is a deeper or higher or wider pattern, or order, or intelligence. To be more specific, G. Schlee (as quoted by Low and Tremayne (2001) declares that ituals, p a ti es, eliefs a d spiritual values are often adaptive responses (not consciously) to the ecological environment in order to nurture and protect their relationship with their environment (p.1). The anthropocentric explanation of the interconnectivity of human and their environment, posing nature as secondary to human beings, leads to the ideas of the dichotomous thoughts of the transcendent/immanent–men/women–culture/nature, which leads to domination. On the other hand, the ecocentric one which breaks the wall of the dichotomy is moving with the ethic of partnership with nature (Merchant, 1992, p.188). Ecofeminist perspective owes the latter ethic to bring fairer gender relation, which so far is believed as being occupied with the ethic of domination due to the homocentric perspective.
Disasters are one of the components of the interlinked web of nature in which human beings have to face and deal with, especially those who live in Indonesia, which is located in the rings of fire and the Ea th s di i g a d slidi g plates. Indonesian myths and legends that tell about such calamities are worth looking closer look to find out how they share the ethic of partnership through the acknowledgment of complex cosmic interconnectivity between human beings and the Earth with all its components (Merchant, 1992, p.86). Studies about any traditions related with spirituality have discussed how the European and Native American folks placed femininity as the Female Divine in many stories. Spiritual ecology has even owed much from the feminine deity of the Greek, Roman, and German goddesses and references to the scriptures of the mainstream religions (Merchant, 1992, pp.114 – 117). Interpretive information about what folktales may tell their audience can provide the audience with ideas of how to refresh the ideas of spirituality that so far have been shifted into simply rituals and traditions, ig o i g the u de l i g alues, e e egati g the i I do esia so iet s dail p a ti es particularly.
As a means of transferring knowledge and more importantly values and principles, folktales pla e t al ole to shape the people s i dset (Brunvard, 1968; Lankford, 2008;
1
Nachbar&Lause, 1992). And thus, they are greatly potential means of shifting the patriarchal mindset into gender-fair perspective. This paper attempts to interpret the spiritual meaning of the disasters off our tales of calamities, which the folklorists categorized into stories number A1000 to A1099 (Danandjaja, 1992, p.54), from different folks in Indonesia. Employing spiritual ecology and ecofeminist perspective that promote ethic of partnership (Merchant, 1992, pp.110-129, 188), this paper will discuss how the stories in Indonesia identify the nature as the significant part of relation in the web of life to humbly contribute to the change of mindset (if the story is told to younger generation).
B. Male Deity, Feminine Deity and Ecofeminist Spirituality
The term spirituality here is o t asted agai st a lo g-established, perhaps fixed and inflexible, major world eligio and used in revisionist sense for the o d eligio , hi h for spiritual ecologist is connoted with male domination, in which male god is always the center of the religious worship that leads to the legitimate male centered authority and traditions (Aune, 2011; Merchant, 1992). According to Flanagan and Jupp (as referred by Aune, 2011), it is considered as more accommodating, signifying the search for transcendence outside traditional religious institutions for many people in toda s post-industrial countries like the US and Europe (p. 32). In response to the eeds of toda s life hi h desi es to get free from the e isti g ideals a d alues of the ea l s ie tifi e a, hi h ie ed the individual as a sort of efficient machine, people s spontaneous movement ith the i te est i the ealit of spi it and its healing effects on life, health, community and well-being becomes spi itual e olutio that fou d at the hea t of the e s ie es, he e the spi itual isio s of ealit e e s their dignity through the recent discoveries in physics, biology, psychology, and ecology (Tacey, 2005, p.1).
any creatu es a d eatio s as the a e all e ual pa ts of the e ologi al e Gaard, 1993; Merchant, 1992).
C. Symbolic Meanings of Indonesian Folktales
Folktales are often known as oral story-telling tradition of a particular society, which functions for ultu al o ti uit that i ds g oup togethe as it is told to the s all ho oge ous audience that are present immediately (face-to-face) to the story-teller. The original author is ofte u k o a d it s up to the sto -teller, who becomes the spokesperson in the group, to ake a iatio that suits the audie e s e pe tatio , so that the sto is fu tio al, e e though the patte s of the sto te d to e less d a i tha popula o elite sto ies. Folktales themes reflect the audience mindset and it is often expressed in naïf up to vulgar ways (Brunvard, 1968; Danandjaja, 1994; Nachbar & Lause, 1992).
Vico (as referred by Hawkes, 2003) perceives that, after proper assessment, the response of even what he called primitive people to the world shows the a s i he e t poetic wisdom (sapienza poetica) in which they address their environment in the form of a metaphysics of metaphor, symbol and myth. The ep ese t mature and sophisticated ways of knowing, of encoding, of presenting, i stead of lie about, the facts. Their compositions are forms of
opi g ith the ealit , ot mere embroidery of reality. Vi o s belief of mythology or the interpretation of fables as the first science to be learned de i es f o the o i tio that all the histories of the gentiles have their beginnings in fables. In other words, proper
interpretation of myths will lead people to see civil histories of the first peoples who were everywhere naturally poets (p.2).
Indonesian folktales may as well tell the audience what the people belief about the
i te o e ted ess et ee hu a s a d thei e i o e t. De i i g f o “aussu e s idea that signs functions not through their intrinsic value but through their relative position (Hawkes, 2003, p.16), Peirce believes that his semiotic theory provides tools to explai the cognitive process of acquiring scientific knowledge as a pattern of communicative activity in which the dialogic partners are, indifferently, members of a community or sequential states of a single pe so 's i d. Pei e s p o ess of k o i g the o u i atio involves a relationship of progressive adequation between two fundamentally opposed elements, "objects" and "signs." As "a sign does not function as a sign unless it be understood as a sign," signs must be interpreted in order to be signs, but their "significant character which causes them to be so i te p eted", a el , the g ou d, is the asis fo this i te p etatio , he it o u s. (Parmentier, 1994, p. 3-4).
The Ethic of Partnership of Kasada and Mado-mado
then on, Tengger people send offerings to the crate of the mountain yearly, in a ritual called Kasada. I toda s p a ti e, of ou se, the offe i gs a e i the fo of food a d ha est.
The myth of Mado-Mado (Nias) all started with the dispute among the nine sons of Sirao, the Ki g of the losest le el of the sk to the Ea th. To su eed the ki gdo due to the Ki g s old age, the King held a competition for his sons and it was the youngest son who won the competition. So, the other eight sons had to be sent down to tanöniha, the land of human beings, which is the original name of Nias island. Among the sons, four of them landed safely on the land and became the ancestors of mado-mado, Nias people today. One of the other unlucky sons, Latura Daö, whose big body was too heavy to land on the ground that he landed under the ground, turned to be a giant snake called Da’ö Zanaya Tanö Sisagörö, Da’ö Zanaya Tebö Sébolo. The a e ea s the Ea th s uffe . Whe e e a a took pla e a d hu a lood permeated through the land and fell on his skin, he would get angry and shake his body. That would make earthquake. To stop it, Nias people would shout, Biha Tuha! Biha Tuha! hi h ea s “top, G a ! “top, G a ! The shout i di ates that the epe t fo hat the a e doing and will stop killing each other.
The myths share the same patterns of story: [1] Natural disasters take place in a region. Both myths tell about earthquakes. In the myth of Kasada it was a volcanic earthquake and in the myth of mado-mado it was a tectonic earthquake. [2] Natural disasters may be caused by human careless actions that upset the nature. In the myth of Kasada, it implicitly shows that Joko “ege s lo g o te plati e p a e is the ea s of the atu e to speak to hu a ei gs to ask for offerings. In the event, the people of Tengger seemed to be negligent to the duty of gi i g offe i gs to the ou tai a d the had to ait u til the ou tai got a g a d asked for it. In the myth of mado-mado, people s a tio of killi g upset the la d, so it e a e a g .
People ealize the atu e s a ge . Afte e ei i g the e lighte e t, Joko Seger u de sta ds the ou tai s a ge . O the othe ha d, Nias people s shout, Biha Tuha! Biha Tuha! i di ates thei ealizatio of the la d s a ge . Hu a ei gs do p ope a tio s to please the nature. Joko Seger gives his virgin daughter as the offering for the nature. Nias people s shout e pli ates thei epe ta e of the ad deeds.
The virgin girl sacrificed as offering to Mount Bromo may sound contradictory to the idea of equality between human and non-human that spiritual ecology and ecofeminism encourage. However, it should be perceived as innocence, purity and sincerity that every human being should own. They will only be able to respond to the environment properly when they are pure, si e e, a d i o e t, the sa e a as the i gi gi l s su issi e ess to the ate. It is re-emphasized with the symbolic idea of Joko Segers long contemplative prayer in response to the ou tai s ol a i ea th uake. Joko Seger came to the enlightening understanding of submitting virgin girl when he stayed quiet. Thus, only quietness brings understanding of submissive attitude to the nature that asks for its part. It is then human beings gives out that they gi e spa e, ti e, a d a e, to o -hu a to ep odu e, e ol e, a d espo d to hu a a tio s Gaa d, 99 ; Me ha t, 99 .
gia t s ake as lo e tha the sel es. It efle ts the i itial attitude to pa t e ship ethi . When he shakes his body, the people understand that he is angry for their improper deeds: shedding blood in fight. Fighting indicates disharmonious life and thus, it should not be done. Earthquake becomes reminder for these people to repent from the wrong deeds they do: conducting disharmonious relationship. Such philosophy of earthquake reflected by the story disregards sex, race, and class differences as sources of compartmentalization; instead, relationship and compassion are possible, even fostered, for any creatures and creations as they are all equal pa ts of the e ologi al e Gaa d, 99 ; Me ha t, 99 . Their respect to the animal character living down below them is fundamental to their belief of the significance of harmonious life among themselves as well as with the environment.
The Ecofeminist Spirituality of Atu Belah and Mujang Munang – Darah Muning
The Legend of Atu Belah (Gayo, Sumatera) tells about a mother who was confused because her spoiled children asked for some meat to eat. She did not have any meat, and so, she allowed the upset kids to get some grasshoppers that their father collected and kept in the barn. The careless children loosed all the grasshoppers that the father struggled hard to collect. When the fathe etu ed, he as fu ious a d lost his te pe , so he ut his ife s easts fo thei food that evening. The poor woman, bloody, tearful and in despair, ran into Atu Belah, the giant rock which would swallow anyone as his prey. The woman sang softly, atu belah, atu bertangkup ngesawah pejaying temasa dahulu the rock that opens and closes, our old contract has come to its time). And the giant rock opened and the women got into the middle of it. The two children happened to witness their mother waling into the middle of the rock and got swallowed by it. When it happened, the Earth quaked and was stormy as it witnessed Atu Belah swallowing a person. When the woman was fully absorbed in the rock, except some part of her long hair that was left outside, the earthquake and storm stopped and the nature became calm. The olde so pi ked a pie e of the othe s hai to e used as p ote tio fo hi a d his brother.
The legend of Bujang Munang – Darah Muning (Nanga Serawai, West Borneo) is a story of Bujang Munang, the son of Darah Muning. When he was little, his mother got angry with him and she hit him with a small piece of wood that wounded his head. When he grew up, he left his mother to look for his father. He was a handsome young man, who then met a beautiful young woman. They fell in love, but they did not realize that the woman was actually Darah Muning, the mother. When they found out about the fact, it was too late as they already married to each other. None of them wanted to separate from each other and this caused the gods a ge . Follo i g the elde s ad i e, they built the posa, a high platform for them to put offerings for the gods. When building the posa, Bujang Munang accidentally dropped the axe and it fell over his penis. Darah Muning held he hus a d s pe is i atte pt to stop the lood that was streaming from the wound. Unfortunately, the gods viewed that action as indecency and got furious. The bright sky suddenly turned dark and continuous lightning and thunder rumbled in the sky. When the storm stopped and the sky got bright again, the people found that Bujang Munang, Darah Muning, and the posa had turned into stones.
the sto fo eg ou ds the gods pu ish e t to the ouple. [2] The natural disasters happen because of human improper deeds. The woman in Atu Belah is persecuted by her husband for the sake of the children and storm takes place when the nature saves her from desperate helplessness. In the legend of Bujang Munang–DarahMuning, the disaster happens to cover up the incest relation of the mother and the son. [3] Natural disasters become inseparable part of the solution of human improper actions. The rock in Atu Belah plays as the savior of the savagely violated woman. On the other hand, the storm in the legend of Bujang Munang–Darah Muning becomes the a ifestatio of the gods a ge . The sto is used to shade of the improper deeds of the couple: incest.
The utilatio of the o a s east in Atu Belah symbolizes unfairness in many folds. Firstly, literally, it is violence to women. Symbolically, breast is the source of life, so when it is mutilated, it is violence to the source of life. The despe ate o a s su issi e ess to the o k o iousl i di ates the atu e s u de sta di g of a o a s suffe ing. Moreover, the o a s soft song, atu belah, atu bertangkup ngesawah pejaying temasa dahulu the o k that ope s and closes, our old contract has come to its time), explicates the understanding. The storm that o es alo g the o k s s allo i g the o a s olizes the atu e s re-emphasis that when they destroy the nature, the sa e a as he the a ut the o a s easts, the atu e will cry as the woman does. The storm reflects the tears of suffering characters. Besides that, the storm accompanies the act of saving the woman into the middle of the rock. That shows that nature and woman interchangeably save each other due to the bond they have. Thus, the story reflects the idea that there is always closeness and bonds between woman and nature, such connection that spiritual ecologist uses to encourage the reconnection of people with the larger web of life (Merchant, 1992, p.113).
On the other hand, the nature and the mother, together, still leave a bit hope of protection by the symbol of the left piece of hair that the older son picked from between the crack of rock. It closely connotes to the agreed notion of the nature as the protector of life. It only requires human understanding of the language that it speaks. The so s willingness to pi k the hai i di ates the hu a s illi g ess to espo d to the p ote tio that the atu e offe s to the . The harmony of life that is destroyed by Bujang Munang–Darah Munings selfish ess i the name of lo e has e ded up ith punishment. The couple cares only what they want to possess a d that esults o the god s a ge . Da ah Mu i g s good i te tio to help he husband-son with the wound is misunderstood by the gods as pornographic action. This tells that the good i te tio is ot u de stood e ause the ouple s esista e to espe t the gods. That may sound revengeful, but a closer look to the structure of relation will show that when disrespect is present, harmony is absent. Peace does not happen in the relationship and it is represented by the storm. Bujang Munang and Darah Muning do not feel peace as they found out about their incest relationship, but they refused to give up their love. Even though love is important and prior to everything, when it is a love of selfishness, which is improper, it destroys harmony. Disharmony is what ecofeminist does not encourage as disharmony only ruins the web of life.
D. Conclusion
environment. Two of the myths from Tengger, a community dwelling in the mountainside of Bromo Mountain, East Java, and from Nias, Nias Island tell stories about earthquakes. Both e eal the people s ideas of ho pa t e ship ethi to a ds atu e as the espe tfull perceiving natural disaster as significant for their well-beings. In addition, the stories encourage the ethic of partnership as nature receives equal position and the same opportunities to be. The legends, Atu Belah and Bujang Munang – Darah Muning, tell the importance of ha o ious life et ee hu a ei gs a d the e i o e t. Wo e s o d to the atu e is the basis of respectful attitude that every human beings should have towards each other as well as the non-human ones. Maki g use of the folktales function as cultural-bond and mnemonic device, the interpretation of the tales become positively potential means of transferring the ethic of partnership to alter the ethic of domination of patriarchy to younger generation.
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