draft version--do not cite without author's permission
This paper resulted from pulling at one seemingly minor thread in my own research and discovering just how many other areas of scholarship it was connected to. When I initially set out to study the interactions among what I framed as knowledge experts in central Mexico, I had little hint that those whom I was by default categorizing as nonexperts would become
theoretically important in their own right. Once I dove into the literature on expertise, it became apparent that this nonexpert category was used unproblematically yet posed significant
theoretical, ethical, and practical challenges. As Fuller and Collier (2004:236) note, "an ironic consequence of the increasing division of cognitive labor in society is that more of us, for more of the time, share the role of nonexpert. This universal sense of nonexpertise is the epistemic basis for reconstructing the public sphere today". If this is so, why does nonexpertise go
undertheorized? What would happen if studies of expertise took nonexpertise equally seriously? To complement the other papers on this panel, and to perhaps spur further investigation, I will focus on nonexpertise. For context, I begin with a brief description of how the issue arose in the course of my fieldwork. The paper continues with a selective overview of the conventional scholarship treating nonexpertise. And in the last section I present a critical appraisal of two approaches to rethinking nonexpertise already in evidence in the scholarship.
Knowledge politics and nonexpertise under the volcano
Since the volcano's 1994 reactivation, potentially threatening millions of Mexicans in the capital and four contiguous states, the federal government has employed academic earth scientists to generate sensor data and computer models that would serve as the basis for disaster
management efforts (Macías Medrano 2005). These volcanologists and geophysicists, whether placing or checking sensors, attending public meetings in what they defined as the high-risk zone, or giving interviews to broadcast news, are consistently brought into proximity with
representatives of the mountain towns' residents. Prominent among them are the latest in a long line of indigenous ritual practitioners, known variously astiemperos,graniceros,quiatlazquis, andmisioneros del temporal. The purview of these "weather-workers" includes interpreting meteorological and volcanic phenomena, organizing offerings to the volcano spirit, don
Gregorio, and his companion in nearby Iztaccíhuatl, Rosita, and healing certain weather-linked illnesses (Albores and Broda 1997; Broda, Iwaniszewski, and Montero 2001; Glockner 1996). The other counterbalance to the scientific and technocratic views of the volcano scientists and their state patrons comes from domestic UFO investigators,ovniólogos(from OVNI, objeto volador no identificado) orufólogos(Martínez Jiménez 1992; Sheaffer 1998) who collect reports of aerial anomalies in the vicinity of the volcano. Engaged with these experts is a range of interested participants: government functionaries; media organizations and journalists; anthropologists; and local residents.
broadens its social relevance but loses its unique enlightening and reality-defining powers (Loudin 2003; Pfadenhauer 2006), drew the bulk of my attention at the time. Competitors seeking expert status singled out one figure to use as a counterexpert foil in dealing with those thereby designated as nonexperts: for instance, a number of volcanologists expressed
exasperation with ufologists for adding to the media-consuming public's confusion on what was and was not "real" science (Cook 2004:232 233).
While I did not elaborate on the nonexpert role in my dissertation beyond a brief
speculative aside, it has loomed increasingly large in my thinking. For instance, the strategy of volcano residents is in many cases to perform their nonexpertise for the experts in the
government and the academy, repeatedly professing ignorance of official data and plans, yet in so doing they gain some measure of control over how disaster management plans are
implemented. Media personnel and government functionaries play the role of nonexperts as interlocutors with the scientific experts on the public s behalf, both to communicate official plans and to reinforce scientific expertise and authority. The disclaimer of nonexpertise is even uttered by other scholars, possessing doctorates and university positions and public roles, when they defer to their volcano science peers, usually in the restricted matters of geophysics or monitoring and modeling.
Ground against figure: nonexpertise in recent scholarship
"novice", "amateur", and "everyday" all appear, sometimes woven into elaborate typologies, sometimes used indiscriminately, yet rarely clearly or independently defined.
Nonexpertise is integral to this ever-expanding scholarship, yet in a manner analogous to negative space in art. It is a relative absence surrounding the subject that makes it stand out all the more clearly. Indeed, nonexpertise, when it is treated at all, is usually defined by negation: nonexperts are whatever experts are not, or they lack whatever experts have. The negativity falls into several key categories, which I will summarize below, preserving in so far as possible the divergences and disagreements in the literature.
Nonexpertise and who knows
The basis for defining and delineating (non)expertise in much of the expertise literature tends to be epistemic. Experts have more knowledge than nonexperts, or they have special knowledge that the latter do not, and this imbalance constitutes the rationale for their autonomy and power (Ericsson 2006; Margolis 1996). Such a quantitative view has characterized such various efforts as constructing so-called "expert systems" in artificial intelligence (Buchanan, R. Davis, and Feigenbaum 2006) and the multifarious programs to improve the "public understanding of science" (Irwin and Wynne 1996) and the consequent compliance of nonexperts-as-objects.
al. 2007), or isolating deception (Reinhard et al. 2002). Yet in most other studies, significant, measurable differences are invoked to set the two apart.
A third differentiation, mainly in studies of sports or other performances, is that nonexperts manifest some other deficit of ability, though a similar dispute regarding the potential acquisition of this ability appears in the literature. These include rate of improvement and ultimate level of attainment in motor tasks (Howard 2009), perceptual acuity and accuracy (Cousin and Siegrist 2010; Mann et al. 2007), recall from memory (André and Fernand 2008), and problem solving (Ayton 1992; Sánchez-Manzanares, Rico, and Gil 2008).
Nonexpertise and who matters
A second major way in which nonexperts figure in the literature, if in an occluded way (Fuller and Collier 2004:236), is the moral and practical matter of whose input counts in decision-making, especially in exceptional situations like crises. The essential question is: who merits deference on technical issues? Increasing reliance on experts causes complications for firms--in which changes to customary decision-making are subverted by specialization (Mohr 1994)--and for liberal democracies--in which rough political equality is challenged by epistemic inequality (McDonell 1997; Turner 2001). Yet the increasing complexity attending the expansion of neoliberal governance and the uneven integration of the global marketplace has driven policymakers and corporate owners alike to rely more on experts (Beck 1992).
experts' knowledge, nonexpert citizens have both the political leverage and the moral
responsibility to hold experts accountable for the validity of that knowledge (Hartelius 2011:62; Mieg 2001:14; Turner 2001:144 145), which they do by granting or withholding their trust.
However they frame the relationship between nonexperts and experts, studies of this type show how the latter, with its formal knowledge and codified practices (Brand and Karvonen 2007), is usually privileged by technocracy and bureaucracy. Modern expertise in fact has an intimate relationship with the technocratic order (Burris 1989; Topçu 2008), making
nonexpertise an inescapable (if variably designated) role. Nonexperts matter in these studies to the extent that they pose challenges to technocratic management and to experts' professional conduct. Hence the concern exhibited in legal studies (Boccaccini and Brodsky 2002; Mnookin 1999; Tye 1997; T. Ward 2006), medical sociology (Condit and Bates 2005; Gingras 2005; Sanders, Diamond, and Vidmar 2002; Springett 2008; Zadravec, Grad, and So an 2006), and studies of risk and disaster (Drottz-Sjöberg 1991) with how professionals in each field should best deal with nonexperts as clients, opponents, or obstacles. Contrarians in this vein, frequently from natural resource management (Gootee et al. 2010; Reeves 2008) and risk assessment and communication (Hampel 2006; Young and Matthews 2007), discuss turning the liability of dealing with nonexperts into an advantage. Although an increasing number of studies take nonexpert "expertise" seriously as a resource and nonexperts themselves as junior
partners (see medical sociology: e.g., Kerr, Cunningham-Burley, and Amos 1998; Nordin 2000; Popay and G. Williams 1996), the inclusion of nonexperts and their "mental models" for most is explicitly instrumental: to make expert management go more smoothly (Jenkins 2010; Krystallis et al. 2007; Lipworth et al. 2009; Owen et al. 1999).
Foregrounding nonexpertise
technocratic and academic imaginaries (Blok, Jensen, and Kaltoft 2008; Maranta et al. 2003; Roos 2007). The other is that a good number of scholars are in fact trying to rethink
nonexpertise, even if none of them state it explicitly as their focus. I will review and appraise two promising approaches already evident in the expertise literature. In their own way, and taken collectively, they go some distance towards negating the original negation of sundering expert from nonexpert.1
1. Nonexpertise as knowledge
The first approach derives from a strain of science studies, usually focusing on the relations among scientists and nonscientists in high-stakes public decisions, in which members of the lay public are valorized as capable political actors and possessors of valid knowledge (Healy 2009). Knowledge and skill are distributed unevenly in social life, and not precisely as the
expert/nonexpert boundary-work would suggest (Popay and Williams 1996). Furthermore, the distinctions made between expert and nonexpert, knowledge and ignorance, science and society, are fluid and fragile (Bell and Sheail 2005); once drawn in one context, they don't automatically transfer to others, and frequently have to be redrawn.
This means practically that "realizing one s self as an expert can hinge on casting other people as less aware, knowing, or knowledgeable" (Carr 2010:22). Do nonexperts identify as such by casting other people as more knowledgeable? In many cases, certainly, but not without some ambivalence and contestation. For instance, medical patients (Gülich 2003; I. Shaw 2002) and those at risk from hazards (Burningham, Fielding, and Thrush 2008; Gilgan 2001; Roth 2004; Wisner et al. 2004) may in most things defer to designated experts while still claiming the expertise of knowing their own experiences better than experts can. Other nonexperts go beyond this to make a recognized contribution to experts' understanding of their experiences,
1Unlike either Hegel or Marx and Engels, I don't propose this reframing as some kind of dialectical law of
even if the experts did not ask for it (Epstein 1995). Still others, like the weather-workers, accept their nonexpertise in science but assert the validity of a whole other epistemological system (Cook 2004), which may not "articulate" either by engaging with larger audiences or by making itself clear in cosmopolitan or technocratic terms (Choy 2005).
Paradoxically this approach seeks to boost the epistemic respectability of nonexperts by playing up the alterity and scientific incommensurability of their knowledge (e.g., Healy 2009)--variously termed "folk epistemology" (Taylor 1992), "civic epistemology" (Wynne 2003), "lay epistemology" (Irwin and Michael 2003), or "street science" (Corburn 2002). Such an
epistemology is portrayed as local, contextual, and practical (Eden 1996; Ricci, Bellaby, and Flynn 2010); as privileging individual subjective experience (Corburn 2002; Cytryn 2001; McClean and A. Shaw 2005; Whelan 2001) and collective identities and traditions (McKechnie 1996; Satterfield 1997; Vouligny, Domon, and Ruiz 2009); and as addressing risks by mixing knowledge, intuition, and moral judgments (Cytryn 2001; Maschio 2007; Neil, Malmfors, and Slovic 1994; Sjöberg 1998; Slimak and Dietz 2006). This presents an interesting resonance with work seeking to validate traditional indigenous knowledge (Leach and Fairhead 2002; Mahiri 1998). Yet where "citizen scientists" attempt to engage conceptually and morally with
universalizing Western science, indigenous knowledge experts generally seek disengagement from science and its experts. (The enthusiastic boundary-work between volcano scientists and ufologists, and the divergence in respect accorded by volcano scientists and weather-workers to each other, seem to support this characterization.)
as one more human knowledge system (e.g., Adas 1990; Downey and Dumit 1997; Harding 2008; Worseley 1997) as well as efforts in science studies to treat science as one more human activity capable of sociological analysis, albeit an elite (Fuller 2002), esoteric (Collins and Evans 2007; Frank 1949; Hronzsky 2003), or even deviant (Neidhardt 1993) one.
2. Nonexpertise as role-playing
A second approach proceeds from the recognition that "almost anyone can act as an expert"--or, conversely, as a nonexpert--for someone else in an increasingly fragmented and opaque public sphere (Mieg 2006:746). Given this relational and contingent nature, what is necessary to focus on is how actual people achieve and inhabit these roles in the course of situated social interaction (Jacoby and Gonzalez 1991; Matoesian 1999; Mieg 2001; Rifkin and Martin 1997). The question thus becomes why and under what conditions someone would take on the role of nonexpert vis-à-vis someone else.
Since certain types of expertise are only as valid as a nonexpert constituency is prepared to endorse (Hartelius 2011:23 25), taking the nonexpert role can have some significant
This relational/interactional approach to nonexpertise supports the findings that what qualifies as science, expertise, and even knowledge is in many ways open and contested. The roles themselves can be precarious and contingent, especially in controversial areas (Dew and Lloyd 1997). I experienced just such role-playing under uncertainty when I was invited on a local Puebla variety TV show as an expert on the ethnography of the Popocatépetl region. I found myself sharing the set with the director of the state satellite office, Mexico's most visible ufologist, and a host who tried to create "good TV" by soliciting our comments on photos of mysterious "letters" that had appeared in the snows of Iztaccíhuatl that morning in conjunction with a UFO report. The encounter succinctly recapitulated in real-time the dance claimants of expertise enact over how to interpret phenomena, whose approaches should be respected (exactly how far), and how not to overtly disparage those playing the counterexpert role or alienate their nonexpert audience.
Conclusion
By whichever path we approach the issue of (non)expertise, we ought not to ignore the ways in which inequalities in the ideological arena shape how agentive actors can be in positioning self and other. Some find it easier to argue for (non)expert status due, on the one hand, to
institutional links or their absence--imagine a university geologist disclaiming expert knowledge of Popocatépetl, and then imagine a ufologist doing the same--and, on the other, to intellectual fashions and political sensitivities--few in the volcanic villages would at this point choose to be aligned with "the experts", for example. Nor can we evade the responsibility of dealing
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