Conceptions of learning held by upper pr

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CONCEPTIONS OF LEARNING HELD BY

UPPER PRIMARY CHILDREN IN

GOVERNMENT

SCHOOLS

IN

BRUNEI

DARUSSALAM

Jainatul Halida Jaidin

BA (Hons) Primary Education (Universiti Brunei Darussalam, Brunei)

MEd Primary Education (Brunel University, London)

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

Centre for Learning Innovation

Faculty of Education

Queensland University of Technology

2009

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Keywords

Phenomenography; primary education; children’s conceptions of learning; Brunei;

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Abstract

The current study examined the conceptions of learning held by upper primary

children in government schools in Brunei. Previous studies have shown that the

conceptions of learning held by students influence the ways in which they approach

learning tasks and, in turn, impact on their learning outcomes. However, the

majority of these studies were carried out with university and secondary school

students, with little research involving primary school children. A

phenomenographic research approach was used to describe the qualitatively

different ways in which a group of sixteen upper primary children experienced

learning in two government schools in Brunei. Data were gathered using scenario‐

based semi‐structured interviews. Iterative cycles of analysis revealed three

categories of description depicting three qualitatively different ways in which the

children experienced the phenomenon. The three categories of description were:

learning as acquiring information (Category 1), learning as remembering

information (Category 2) and learning as doing hands‐on activities (Category 3).

These categories indicate a variation in the ways in which upper primary children

experience learning in government schools in Brunei. The conceptions of learning

held by the children provide a platform from which educators and policy‐makers

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List of Figures

Figure 1. Structure of the 21st century national education system ... 5

Figure 2. Map of South East Asia ... 9

Figure 3. Map of Brunei Darussalam ... 10

Figure 4. The mediating role of learning conceptions ... 54

Figure 5. The experience of learning ... 90

Figure 6. Steps in discursive phenomenography ... 110

Figure 7. First draft of the categories of description ... 115

Figure 8. Second draft of the categories of description ... 117

Figure 9. Third draft of the categories of description ... 118

Figure 10. Fourth draft of the categories of description ... 120

Figure 11. First draft of the outcome space ... 121

Figure 12. Second draft of the outcome space ... 122

Figure 13. Distribution of schools across the four districts in Brunei selected for this study ... 131

Figure 14. The structure of awareness in Category 1 ... 143

Figure 15. The ‘How’ and ‘What’ aspects of learning as acquiring information ... 148

Figure 16. Structure of awareness and the ‘How’ and ‘What’ aspects of learning in Category 1 ... 149

Figure 18. The ‘How’ and ‘What’ aspects of learning as remembering information ... 162

Figure 21. The ‘How’ and ‘What’ aspects of learning as doing hands‐on activities ... 174

Figure 23. An ordered set of qualitatively different categories of descriptions ... 182

Figure 24. Logical relationship between each category of description ... 183

Figure 25. The difference between the current education system and SPN 21 ... 194

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List of Tables

Table 1: Number of Primary Schools (Government) and Students in Brunei (2005) ... 13

Table 2: Six conceptions of learning ... 41

Table 3: Comparison of phenomenographic and non‐phenomenographic studies ... 46

Table 4: A summary of cross‐cultural conceptions of learning and approaches to learning ... 64

Table 5: Children’s conceptions of learning ... 67

Table 6: Dutch children’s beliefs about learning (Klatter et al., 2001) ... 72

Table 7: Scenario (Phase 1) ... 97

Table 8: Scenario (Phase 2) ... 98

Table 9: Phases of pilot interviews and data collection (April – December 2006) ... 99

Table 10: Phases of analysis and draft presentations ... 124

Table 11: The outcome space ... 141

Table 12: Category 1: Learning as acquiring information ... 142

Table 13: Category 2: Learning as remembering information ... 151

Table 14: Category 3: Learning as doing hands‐on activities ... 165

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List of Abbreviations

ASI Approaches to Studying Inventory

CDD Curriculum Development Department

CfBT Centre for British Teachers

CoLI Conceptions of Learning Inventory

IB International Baccalaureate

PBL Problem‐Based Learning

PSA Primary School Assessment

SPN 21 21st Century Education System or Sistem Pendidikan Negara 21

SPQ Study Process Questionnaire

UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights

UHREC University Human Research Ethics Committee

UNCRC United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisations

UNICEF United Nations Children’s Funds

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Authorship

The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet

requirements for an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the

best of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously

published or written by another person except where due reference is made.

Signature: _________________________

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Chapter 1: Introduction

This study investigated the conceptions of learning held by upper primary children

in government schools in Brunei Darussalam (henceforth called Brunei). A group of

sixteen upper primary children from two government schools in Brunei participated

in this study and their conceptions of learning are explored in this thesis. This

chapter gives a background to the study and sets it in its educational, religious and

social context. The chapter also outlines the study’s purpose, rationale and design

along with the research question.

BACKGROUND

TO

THE

STUDY

This study focuses on the ways in which upper primary children experience learning

in government schools in Brunei. Finding ways to encourage meaningful learning

has become a growing concern for many nations (Carlsson‐Paige & Lantieri, 2005),

including Brunei. The emphasis on meaningful learning has also been highlighted by

the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in its Framework for Rights‐based,

Child‐friendly Educational Systems and Schools (UNICEF, 2008). The framework

acknowledges children’s rights to a basic education of good quality and stresses the

need to help children to learn to face the challenges of the new century.

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The type of learning required for the 21st century has become more complex than simply acquiring and applying knowledge. Abilities such as working cooperatively as

a team, evaluating real‐life situations and synthesising solutions are skills that

children need in order to deal with new challenges. In the words of Hildebrand,

Mulcahy and Wilks (2001),

Students of today face a future that will be very different, in

unimagined way, from the present. They will need to be flexible and

cope easily with diversity and ambiguity. They may be asked to

function in both local and global communities, arriving at […] decisions

after due consideration of evidence and possibilities. They will be

expected to work in innovative ways as members of professional

learning teams, actively researching their practice and contributing to

the growth of these teams […] The problems that they will encounter

[…] in other learning contexts, will require cross disciplinary thinking

and complex problem‐defining and resolving skills. (p. 1)

UNICEF’s (2008) Framework for Rights‐based, Child‐friendly Educational Systems

and Schools places a strong emphasis on the significant role that schools play in the

lives of children as learners. The framework outlines two basic characteristics of a

rights‐based and child‐friendly school: one that actively identifies excluded children

to include them in learning; and, one that acts in the best interest of the child in

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of learning and the learner (UNICEF, 2008). These two characteristics highlight the

importance of focusing on children’s learning experiences in school.

The Ministry of Education in Brunei is committed to providing good quality

education to all children. As part of the government’s effort to improve the quality

of educational services in Brunei, the Ministry of Education devised a Strategic Plan

2007‐2011. The Strategic Plan 2007‐2011 ‘is a contextual framework for

development to be undertaken by the Ministry of Education in order to provide and

develop high quality education services for the future of the nation’ (p. 4). It aims

to capitalise on learning as a renewable resource that supports the development of

the nation. Several strategies outlined in the Ministry’s Strategic Plan 2007‐2011

include a flexible curriculum at all levels of education, new kinds of teacher training

and, use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) to enhance the

teaching and learning processes (Ministry of Education, 2007). The Strategic Plan

2007‐2011 also states that a flexible education system that accommodates

children’s needs as learners is necessary.

Through the Strategic Plan 2007‐2011, a new national education system was

introduced, formally referred to as The National Education System for the 21st

Century, codenamed SPN 21. As a framework for development, the Strategic Plan

2007‐2011 is focused on providing ‘a holistic education system of an international

standard that comprises educational programs with a relevant and balanced

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Education, 2007, p. 6). The new education system is still in its preliminary phase.

Full implementation of the new education system takes effect in the year 2009. The

new education system has a different structure. Students will go through four

stages of schooling, namely: primary education (age 6‐11 years), secondary

education (age 12‐16 years), post‐secondary education (17 years) and finally,

tertiary education. In the new structure, students at secondary level will complete

a 4‐year programme or 5‐year programme before they sit for GCE ‘O’ Level

examination. All secondary school students will follow a common curriculum in

Year 7 (Form 1) and Year 8 (Form 2) before being channelled to a General Education

Programme or an Applied Education Programme. The structure of the new

education system is presented in Figure 1.

In the new education system, children will sit for a public examination at the end of

their primary school years (Primary School Assessment) and their results will be

used to determine the path that they will take for secondary education. Five

subjects from the upper primary level are examined in the Primary School

Assessment (PSA) examination, namely: English, Malay, mathematics, science and

general paper (a combination of history and geography). Most questions in PSA

examination comprise factual questions that require children to memorise and

recall information. There are few questions that require application and problem‐

solving, based on the researcher’s experience as a primary school teacher, and

children often find these types of questions very difficult to answer.

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In Brunei, PSA is the children’s first major public examination in their schooling

years (see Figure 1). This makes the upper primary level an important phase in a

child’s primary school years. In terms of structure, the new education system

remains examination‐oriented. It is mandatory for all students to undergo

examinations that determine their selection, placement and promotion at various

phases during their school years.

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The new education system is one of the Ministry’s most recent efforts to improve

the quality of educational services in Brunei. It includes a Teaching and Learning

Excellence program in which teachers are encouraged to ‘employ new teaching

styles that promote inquiry learning, cooperative learning and use […] pedagogical

tools to engage and motivate students in their learning’ (Ministry of Education,

2007, p. 14). In this way, the teacher’s role is expected to change from transmitter

of knowledge to facilitator of learning. Inquiry learning and cooperative learning

are features of a child‐centred approach in which teaching and learning processes

are focused on the child being active and creative (Carlile & Jordan, 2005). The

child‐centred approach is often linked to constructing knowledge that posits

learning as an active process of creating meaning by relating new information to

past experiences (Brooks & Brooks, 1993; Loyens, Rikers & Schmidt, 2007; Perkins,

1999). In an examination‐oriented education system, however, learning is more

likely to be driven by objectivist learning in which the focus is on outcome rather

than the process. The Teaching and Learning Excellence program, therefore, is at

odds with the new education system. It is challenging for teachers to adopt child‐

centred approaches in an education system that favours dispensing knowledge.

Indeed, the teaching and learning settings in Brunei have been described as

predominantly didactic, traditional and teacher‐centred (Attwood & Bray, 1989;

Zaitun, 1997; Charleston, 1998; Asmah, 2001; Scott & Fisher, 2002). In a study on

The Impact of an In‐Service Course for Primary Teachers in Brunei, Scott and Fisher

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explanations and copy notes from the board. Teachers in Brunei, according to Scott

and Fisher (2002) were the ‘unquestioned authoritarian purveyors of accepted

knowledge’ (p. 3). Classrooms were commonly characterised by passive student

activities, lacking ‘minds‐on’ or expressive activities, with little development of

thinking or communicative skills (Scott & Fisher, 2002). At the preschool level,

Asmah (2001) observed that the children’s curricular activities were dominated by

formal work such as choral drills, repetitious copying, and worksheets. Activities

such as play were considered unimportant and suitable only for leisure and fun

(Asmah, 2001). Attwood and Bray (1989), in a sociological study of Brunei and its

education system, assert that teaching methods were typically book‐based.

Expatriate teachers from the Centre for British Teachers (CfBT) in Brunei have also

noted that children are used to being firmly and clearly directed (Centre for British

Teachers, 2006). In such an authoritarian and teacher‐centred learning

environment, children are viewed as passive learners in which they are expected to

comply with the teacher’s instructions and absorb information.

However, one of the key strategies for improving teaching and learning outlined in

the Global Monitoring Report: Education for All: The Quality Imperative (UNESCO,

2005) highlights a child‐centred and active pedagogy. The report also stresses the

importance of ‘[…] cooperative learning and the development of critical thinking

and problem‐solving skills’ (UNESCO, 2005, p. 26). The emphasis was placed on

putting learners ‘at the heart of the teaching and learning process’ (UNESCO, 2005,

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The current study focuses on children’s experiences and ideas about learning.

Smith and Taylor (2000) assert that children’s perspectives of their experiences can

facilitate improved conditions for their living and learning. In addition, Morgan

(1992) argues that educationalists should listen to what children have to say about

their school experience because children are immediate clients of education.

This study sought to provide a better understanding of the ways in which children

experience learning in government schools in Brunei. An insight into children’s

learning experiences as seen through their perspectives may improve our

understanding of what aspects of learning are important to them. A more

important consequence of this understanding is quality primary education provision

in Brunei. The Ministry has consulted key stakeholders to help develop the new

education system and these stakeholders include parents, the community, experts,

school leaders, local industry and business communities (Brunei Forum, 2008).

Importantly for this study, it has not included children’s views.

CONTEXTS

FOR

LEARNING

IN

BRUNEI

In order to provide a platform for understanding upper primary children’s

experiences of learning, the broader educational, religious and social contexts of

Brunei will now be discussed. Information about Brunei’s demographics is first

presented, followed by a discussion of religious and social contexts that impact on

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Brunei Darussalam, which literally means Brunei the Abode of Peace, is a small

country located on the north‐western coast of Borneo Island, facing the South China

Sea, and with a land area of about 5 765 square kilometres. In the 14th and 16th century, the sovereignty of Brunei extended beyond Borneo Island with the

establishment of Islam by 1391 (The Borneo Project, 2008). Nevertheless, Brunei’s

control declined as European influence grew in the region and, as a result, Brunei’s

territory decreased to what it is today. Brunei is a neighbouring country to

Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines and Singapore (see Figure 2).

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Brunei is divided into four districts, namely: Brunei‐Muara district, Tutong district,

Belait district and Temburong district. The capital city Bandar Seri Begawan is

located in Brunei‐Muara district (see Figure 3).

Figure 3. Map of Brunei Darussalam

In mid 2000, Brunei had an estimated population of 338 400 (Brunei Press, 2005) of

which 32.2 percent were below fifteen years of age, 60.3 percent were between

fifteen and thirty‐five years of age, and 7.5 percent were fifty‐five years and older.

The growing number of young people in Brunei underscores the need to focus on

their views about matters that affect their lives.

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Furthermore, about 67.8 percent of the population is Malay, followed by Chinese,

Indian, Indigenous people and other races (Brunei Press, 2006, Paragraph 2). Brunei

adopts a national philosophy of Melayu Islam Beraja (MIB), or in English, Malay

Islamic Monarchy. The philosophy has been embraced since the day Brunei

received an independent and sovereign status in 1984. It is an integration of three

elements: the Malay language and culture, the teachings of Islamic laws and values,

and the monarchy system of administration. Indeed, Kitson (2004) described the

culture as ‘grounded in an awareness of the need to preserve Malay traditions and

the Islamic religion’ (p. 236). Islam is the official religion of the country and Malay

(or Bahasa Melayu) is the official language. The national philosophy calls for the

society to be loyal to the ruler and to uphold the teaching of Islam in a moderate

way.

As the focus of this study centres on the experience of student learning in Brunei, it

is essential to give a brief overview of the education and social contexts before

explaining the significance of the study. It is anticipated that the background

information provided in this section clarifies a number of terminologies such as the

use of syllabus instead of curriculum and other terminologies that may be

understood differently by researchers or educators in the Australian system and

elsewhere.

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Educational context for learning

The Ministry of Education is a highly centralised system and takes responsibility for

the entire education system, including primary, secondary and tertiary education.

In Brunei, the term primary education is used to describe the first seven years of

formal and structured education that occurs during childhood. Children generally

begin their primary school years at age six after spending a year in preschool.

Preschool became part of primary education in 1979 after a policy requiring

children to attend a year of preschool was introduced. After preschool, the

primary level in government schools is divided into lower primary (Primary 1, 2 and

3) and upper primary (Primary 4, 5 and 6). The age range of upper primary children

is between nine and eleven years old.

At the beginning of the 20th century, primary schools were only available for the education of boys between 7 and 14 years of age. The curriculum comprised

reading and writing (in Arabic and Romanised script), composition, arithmetic,

geography, history, hygiene, drawing and physical education. However, in 1954, a

five‐year Development Plan for education was enacted and the Ministry of

Education was formed. By 1959, 15 006 pupils, 30 percent of whom were girls,

enrolled in the State’s schools. Since 1954, the number of government schools has

continued to increase. The statistics published by the Ministry of Education (2005)

are presented in Table 1 and reveal that there are currently 121 government

primary schools catering for 32 803 children.

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Table 1: Number of Primary Schools (Government) and Students in Brunei (2005)

Education through the Curriculum Development Department (CDD) and the

Department of Schools. Primary schools in Brunei may also be non‐government‐

English the international language. Children are taught in Malay from preschool

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English remains a subject in the curriculum, mathematics, science and geography

are taught in English and while other subjects are taught in Malay. Upper primary

children regard the subjects that they learn in English as very important as they are

compulsory subjects for the PSA examination.

A significant total growth in enrolments and access to government primary

education in Brunei has occurred since Malay schools first opened in Brunei in the

1950s. This is evident in Table 1. However, despite this expansion, research

suggests that the curriculum remains teacher centred with limited change in the

ways in which children experience learning in primary schools in Brunei (see for

example, Attwood & Bray, 1989; Azharaini, 1986; Burns & Upex, 2002). This may be

due in part to a prescriptive curriculum that has existed in the past.

All teachers in government schools are prescribed with guidebooks that are labelled

syllabus. Consequently ‘syllabus’ has become the term that describes the

curriculum. Syllabus guidebooks contain lists of topics, lesson objectives and

activities for a particular subject. The guidebooks are prescriptive and

comprehensively written and teachers in government schools have become

dependent on the guidebooks to teach their lessons (Asmah, 2001).

A focus on teacher‐centred approaches to teaching and learning may be driven also

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(for example, within an academic year, teachers have approximately 140 days to

complete the syllabus in time for mid‐ and end‐of‐year examinations). Workload

from the comprehensive syllabus pressurises most teachers and, as a result, they

resort to traditional teaching methods in order to finish the syllabus in time for

examinations.

A teacher’s choice of teaching methods may have also been influenced by socio‐

cultural and religious practices in Brunei. As postulated by Asmah (2001), the

possible reasons behind the pervasiveness of traditional and didactic classroom

culture can be understood by ‘exploring the influences of Brunei’s culture, of the

social structures within Bruneian families and society, and of the Islamic religion’ (p.

19).

Religious and social contexts of learning

Religion plays a central role in the Malay Muslim community in Brunei. About 60

percent of the population is Muslim and others practise faiths such as Buddhism,

Christianity, and Hinduism. The national ideology of Malay Islamic Monarchy has

become the nation’s guiding principle. It teaches the population to respect other

faiths and practise Islam in a moderate and peaceful way.

The curriculum for government‐funded schools emphasises the teachings of Malay

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firm foundation for their personal and character development, as well as the basic

skills of reading, writing and arithmetic. Malay Muslim children in Brunei also attend

religious schools in the afternoon after regular school hours to learn Islamic

knowledge. Values such as respect for elders are stressed through formal and

informal activities in schools. In religious schools children experience the use of

memorisation using choral reading to learn verses from the Quran. These verses

are in Arabic, a foreign language to the children. The methods of teaching are rigid,

formal and traditional. Hanapi (2006) explains that one of the important steps in

memorising verses from the Quran is the obligation of correcting the pronunciation,

which is typically done by listening to an expert reciter or precise memoriser of the

Quran. It is obligatory to listen to experts because there are many verses in the

Quran that occur in a way that is opposed to what is well known in the rules of the

Arabic language. Parents regard these methods of listening to an expert,

memorising and repeating as effective for children to ‘understand their meaning for

use in the five‐times‐daily prayer’ (Asmah, 2001, p. 23).

Although religious education is not compulsory, it is an obligation chosen by a

majority of parents to send their children to these schools. Most parents spend a

limited amount of time at home and do not have the adequate formal knowledge

and training in religious education to teach their children at home. Some children

continue religious education at home where they listen to grandparents, aunts and

uncles who are fluent in Quran recitation. Most Malay Muslim communities in

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The system of extended family is a tradition commonly practised by the Malay

Muslim community. Living in the system of extended family where parents, uncles,

aunts and immediate relatives live under one roof or close together is seen as an

advantage, particularly for working parents. While parents spend most of their time

working, they can expect that there are relatives who live nearby to look after their

children. Bruneian families are traditionally close‐knit structures (Aisah, Ebbeck,

Asmah & Rosberg, 1995). Extended family is central to the Malay Muslim

community and care of children is regarded as a shared responsibility (Kitson,

2004). In fact, the government housing scheme projects are geared towards

maintaining the family system by ensuring that families are resettled as near as

possible to one another. The extended family system seeks to teach children to

uphold moral and spiritual values by respecting their parents, elders, and rulers.

The structural hierarchy is considered to have a strong influence on the child‐

rearing patterns and social relations in Brunei (Asmah, 2001; Hanapi, 2006).

Structural hierarchy is understood to be as influential as religion. Respect for the

elders is very important and children at a very young age are taught to obey their

parents as parents are their well‐wishers who hope for nothing but the best for

their children (Asmah, 2001; Hanapi, 2006). Alverson (1988) noted that in the

Bruneian culture, ‘much of child training consists in imparting the etiquette that an

older individual (doing the instruction) feels should govern how a junior person acts

towards a senior person’ (p. 24). In school, children are expected to obey their

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they must be addressed in a respectful manner. For example, instead of calling

teachers by name, children must address their teachers with titles such as ‘Sir’ or

‘Teacher’. These titles reflect the respect that children have of their teachers in

school. Another practise that reflects the children’s respect of their teachers is the

tradition of kissing their teachers’ hands upon entering class in the morning and

before leaving school in the afternoon. This tradition is also a way of showing their

gratitude towards their teachers who impart knowledge to them in school. A child

is regarded as a ‘good student’ when she or he complies with the teacher’s

instructions.

These expectations extend to the teacher‐student relationship where children learn

to be passive, with little capacity in managing their own affairs and in learning

(Benware & Deci, 1984; Gijbels, Segers & Struyf, 2008). They become less

inquisitive in the classroom and resort to rote learning as the most effective way of

learning (Asmah, 2001). Therefore, in a religious and social environment where

children have a limited scope to solve and discover, it is likely that students are

viewed as passive learners who undergo routine exercises as their main learning

activities.

The research project described in this thesis sheds light on the meanings and

significance of learning in the children’s lives and, in so doing, provides useful

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PURPOSE

OF

THE

STUDY

The underlying purpose of this study was to explore children’s views about learning

in government schools in Brunei. The research question that framed the study was:

What are the qualitatively different ways in which upper primary children in Brunei

government schools experience learning?

THE

RESEARCH

APPROACH

In order to achieve its aim, this study used a phenomenographic research approach

(Marton, 1981) to investigate children’s conceptions of learning. This approach was

well suited to the needs of this study as it enabled the collection, description and

interpretation of data in which the children’s conceptions of learning was mapped

(Marton, 1981, 1984, 1988; Säljö, 1979; Svensson, 1985). In the current study, the

phenomenon of interest is learning in government schools as experienced by a

group of sixteen upper primary children in Brunei. This study took a second‐order

perspective to research (Marton, 1981), in which the researcher looked at the

conceptions of learning as experienced by the children rather than looking at the

phenomenon from the perspective as an educator. The design of this study and the

rationale for adopting a phenomenographic research approach will be explored in

more detail in Chapter 3 of this thesis. The significance of this study is further

discussed in the following section.

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SIGNIFICANCE

OF

THE

STUDY

The researcher’s interest in this topic grew from her own involvement and

professional experience first as a teacher and then as a trainer of government

primary school teachers in Brunei. As a primary school teacher in a government

primary school in Brunei, the researcher was assigned to a classroom with thirty‐

seven children between the age of nine and eleven years old. The researcher’s

involvement with children in a government school provided her with rich insights

into the ways in which learning was experienced. However, these insights did not

include the children’s views about learning. As previously argued, it is essential to

establish how children perceive and conceptualise learning. Insights into the ways

in which children learn can facilitate a better primary education provision and

improve the quality of their learning experiences.

This thesis provides an exploration of the children’s conceptions learning in

government schools. The results of this study can contribute to discussions about

students’ conceptions of learning and this step, according to Morgan (1993), is a

crucial starting point for a teacher’s work to educate children constructively.

Brunei lacks empirical research in this area of study. This study, therefore, is the

first of its kind to investigate the conceptions of learning held by upper primary

children in Brunei government schools. It is anticipated that this study will form a

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conceptions of learning that emerged from this study may inform curriculum

planning and policy making in Brunei, particularly at this crucial time of change in

education system. Rather than viewing children as passive, their conceptions of

learning may be used to generate a child‐centred outlook within the primary

education curriculum framework. The United Nations via United Nations

Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisations (UNESCO, 2005) acknowledges the

significance of including children in decision‐making, and recommends that

children’s voices should be heard. In addition, findings of this study may assist

teacher‐training institutes in Brunei to understand children’s conceptions of

learning and to use these insights in the preparation of the 21st century primary education teachers.

Internationally, the study provides evidentiary data from which other comparative

studies could develop. Most importantly, the study stands to add to the scholarly

cross‐cultural research and literature in the field of primary education and

children’s conceptions of learning, particularly to inform others about what upper

primary children think about learning in Brunei government schools.

THESIS

OUTLINE

The thesis has five chapters: an introduction to the thesis (Chapter 1), the literature

review (Chapter 2), the research design and methodology (Chapter 3), the findings

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The first chapter has provided an introduction to the thesis. This chapter has also

highlighted the significance of the study and the context within which the study

took place. Chapter 2 reviews relevant literature framing the study. An overview of

studies on students’ conceptions of learning and other empirical research pertinent

to the study are presented in Chapter 2. In Chapter 3, the research design and the

methodology of the study are presented. The rationale for a phenomenographic

research approach is discussed, along with a description of the implementation of

this study, including the steps undertaken by the researcher to ensure research

ethics and rigour. Findings of the study are presented in Chapter 4 in the form of an

outcome space, in which three categories of descriptions are explored and

examined. Finally, in Chapter 5, the findings of the study are discussed in relation to

studies of students’ conceptions of learning and with regards to the new education

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Chapter 2: Review of the literature

An inquiry into primary school children’s experiences of learning requires an

understanding of literature addressing issues in primary education and theories of

learning. This chapter is divided into three main parts. First, it presents a discussion

on quality primary education from a global perspective. It argues for the key role

that primary education plays in national development and its significance in

providing quality primary education for all children. Second, it examines child‐

centred pedagogy as indicative of quality education and positions this approach as

critical for any discussion of children’s learning. Third, it explores empirical studies

that are focused upon conceptions of learning and the research approach used in

this field. The qualitatively different conceptions of learning held by students from

different age groups at different levels across different cultures are explored. The

review of the literature, as such, reveals a paucity of empirical work around

children’s conceptions of learning, which, in turn, strengthens the justification for

this study.

QUALITY

PRIMARY

EDUCATION

FROM

A

GLOBAL

PERSPECTIVE

The provision of quality primary education is high on the agenda of governments

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education has been found to have positive returns for national development.

Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states,

Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in

the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall

be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made

generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to

all on the basis of merit. (Universal Declaration of Human Rights,

UDHR, Article 26, 1948)

Apart from a human rights perspective, world organisations such as the United

Nations (UN) and the World Bank acknowledge the significant role that primary

education plays in the economic growth and development of a country (Hanushek &

Wößmann, 2007). Empirical evidence shows that educational investment has been

one of the critical contributors to economic growth (Aghion, Caroli, & Garcia‐

Penalosa, 1999; Barro, 1997; Blundell, Dearden, Meghir, & Sianesi, 1999; Gemmell,

1995, 1996; Gylfasson, 2001; Haddad, Carnoy, Rinaldi, & Regel, 1990; Lucas, 1988).

Education contributes to economic development by increasing the efficiency of the

labour force and by fostering democracy, which can then create conditions for good

governance. The strong evidence of positive returns underpins the UN to target a

universal primary education by 2015 (United Nations Children’s Funds, UNICEF,

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Despite a global consensus on the key role that primary education plays in national

development, there is difficulty in defining what quality in primary education means

(Adams, 1993; Courtney, 2008; O'Sullivan, 2006). O’Sullivan (2006) argues that the

lack of clear definition constrains teachers’ and trainers’ perspectives on what can

be done to improve teaching and learning. The definition of quality differs

according to the different perspectives taken. For example, the definition of quality

taken from the perspective of human rights would differ significantly when taken

from the human capital perspective.

In defining quality education, policy‐makers tend to focus on measurable inputs and

outputs such as enrolment, retention and achievement (UNESCO, 2005). These

measurable inputs and outputs are easier to report and use when making

comparisons between countries. While measurable inputs and outputs are useful

for making aggregate comparisons, they do not provide sufficient data to analyse

qualitative differences between schools and children’s experiences of learning.

Moreover, inputs such as teacher qualifications and enrolment data have not been

found to have a direct link with learning achievement (Chapman & Adams, 2002).

These gaps highlight the lack of studies focusing on teaching and learning processes

in assessing quality in education. The concept of educational quality is complex,

multidimensional , relative and difficult to measure.

In recent years, the focus of quality in primary education has evolved to include

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Education For All: The Quality Imperative (UNESCO, 2005) highlights the importance

of ‘characteristics of learners (healthy, motivated students), processes (competent

teachers using active pedagogies), content (relevant curricula) and systems (good

governance and equitable resource allocation)’ (p. 29) in defining quality primary

education. The evolution of conceptualisation of quality primary education stresses

a child‐centred pedagogy. The first and third features of quality education outlined

broadly by the United Nations International Children’s Fund (UNICEF, 2008), for

example, are clearly child‐centred, and focused on children with potential ‘to

participate and learn’. UNICEF (2008) argues that a child‐centred approach to

teaching encourages quality learning, as it provides children with opportunities to

be active in learning. In addition to a child‐centred pedagogy, UNICEF (2008)

stresses the significance of environments that are healthy, safe, protective and

gender‐sensitive. These environments, according to UNICEF (2008), must also

provide adequate resources and facilities for teachers and children to engage in

meaningful teaching and learning.

A child‐centred approach is of particular relevance to the current study, as it

focuses on children’s experiences of learning. In this study, children’s views are

valued because they provide insights into aspects that are important to their

learning. In turn, these aspects can be used to inform the government‐mandated

child‐centred curriculum. UNICEF’s features of quality education highlight the

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further emphasised in UNICEF’s (2008) framework for rights‐based, child‐friendly

schools:

A child‐friendly school recognises, encourages and supports children’s

growing capacities as learners by providing a school culture, teaching

behaviours and curriculum content that are focused on learning and

the learner. (UNICEF, 2008)

Further detail about the links between quality education and learner‐focused

approaches can be found in the Education For All (EFA): Global Monitoring Report

2005 (UNESCO, 2005). The report outlined four pillars of learning and these are:

• Learning to know: acknowledges that learners build their own knowledge

daily, combining indigenous and ‘external’ elements.

• Learning to do: focuses on the practical application of what is learned.

• Learning to live together: addresses the critical skills for a life free from

discrimination, where all have equal opportunity to develop themselves,

their families and their communities.

• Learning to be: emphasises the skills needed for individuals to develop their

full potentials.

The first, second and fourth pillars of learning emphasise the learner’s ability to

construct knowledge and apply what they know to develop their potentials fully.

The third pillar refers to the social aspect of learning and the learner’s contribution

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This study focuses on the ways in which children experience learning. In addition to

measurable inputs and outputs, child‐centred pedagogy has been closely associated

with quality education. A discussion of child‐centred pedagogy in relation to the

current context of education reform in Brunei is presented next to provide a

platform for further discussion of children’s experiences of learning.

CHILD

‐

CENTRED

PEDAGOGY

Sugrue (1997) notes that the basic idea of a child‐centred approach is to focus

teaching and learning activities on children’s needs as distinct from focusing on

what teachers need to do to impart knowledge to children (Doverborg & Pramling

(1996) . Indeed, van Harmelen (1998) asserts that, if education is to succeed, it

must consider the children’s needs as learners because, ‘when learners are

interested, they are more likely to learn’ (p. 5). Doverborg and Pramling (1996)

argue that teaching and learning activities should begin with the children’s world so

that the experience becomes meaningful to them. Investigation into the ways in

which children experience learning, therefore, can shed light on how teaching and

learning can be improved to suit the children’s expressed needs as learners.

Child‐centred pedagogy is believed to enhance learning and improve educational

outcomes (Ginsburg, 2006). Central to child‐centred pedagogy is active learning

whereby children are actively engaged in the learning process. Active learning goes

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(Menon, 2008). It involves higher‐order thinking such as problem‐solving activities

that, in turn, involve analysing, synthesising and evaluating. The focus in active

learning is on generating knowledge through a process of inquiry where children

relate new information to what they already know and, thus, create new

understanding.

The role of the teacher in child‐centred pedagogy differs from traditional

transmissive teaching. In a child‐centred learning environment, teachers act as

facilitators providing challenges that are safe for children to develop learning skills

either individually or as a team (Gagnon & Collay, 2006; van Harmelen, 1998).

Teachers, in turn, design active learning opportunities for children to reflect on their

prior knowledge and to create new understandings, and in light of the children’s

own perspectives on learning. Children are given the opportunity to explore ideas

and be creative in problem‐solving as opposed to being instructed to carry out an

activity. Features of a child‐centred learning environment include inquiry learning

and cooperative learning (Gagnon & Collay, 2006). These approaches encourage

self‐regulation, collaboration, reflection on learning, multiple perspectives on

reality, knowledge construction, evaluation on learning (particularly self‐

evaluation), and negotiating the curriculum around real world issues.

Carlile and Jordan (2005) highlight the lack of theoretical discussion of child‐centred

learning in the literature. They note, however, that the child‐centred approach

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importance of activity, discovery and independent learning. Cobb (1999) adds that

cognitive theory also stresses activity, but more cognitive processing rather than

physical activities. The constructivist theory of learning, nevertheless, does not

offer one standard approach to teaching and learning. There are different kinds of

knowledge that require different constructivist approaches (Perkins, 1999). Central

to constructivist approaches is the focus on learning as a process of arriving at a

meaningful understanding of an aspect of the world (Strommen & Lincoln, 1992).

Similarly, child‐centred learning posits an active process in which children play an

active role as learners.

A child‐centred approach to teaching and learning relates to the aspirations

outlined by the Ministry of Education in Brunei. The call for a child‐centred

approach to teaching and learning began as early as 1980 when the Ministry

introduced a new education system that shifted the curricular emphasis from

teacher content to student learning with understanding (Hanapi, 2006). The

introduction of a new education system (SPN 21) stressed the importance of

student ‘learning through doing and discovery’ (Ministry of Education, 2007, p. 11).

The Vision and Mission Statements outlined in the Ministry’s Strategic Plan 2007‐

2011 clearly indicate a child‐centred belief about learning. For example, the

Ministry’s commitment in providing an education system that ‘prepares young

people for future adult roles as capable, creative, thinking citizens who can

contribute to and benefit their families, community, and society’ (Ministry of

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should promote learning environments that are not too rigid, strict, or didactic for

children to be creative and active in their own learning.

A child‐centred approach to education is also implied in one of the Ministry’s

strategic themes. The Ministry of Education Strategic Plan 2007‐2011 outlined

three interrelated themes that will guide the implementation of the new education

system. These themes are: Professional, Accountable and Efficient Organisation;

Teaching and Learning Excellence; and Quality Education. The Ministry’s child‐

centred approach to education is most apparent in its Teaching and Learning

Excellence theme in which the Ministry promotes: ‘new teaching styles, inquiry

learning and cooperative learning; the development and enhancement of teaching

materials; and the use of appropriate learning program’ (Ministry of Education,

2007, p. 4). The Ministry’s call for a more child‐centred approach to teaching and

learning sets a challenge for teachers in Brunei to adopt new ways of teaching. For

example, one of the Ministry’s efforts to encourage a child‐centred approach was

the implementation of a workshop on student‐centred pedagogy for primary school

teachers in Brunei (Ministry of Education, 2008). The current study is, therefore,

most timely in providing empirical evidence of children’s learning from the

perspective of the children themselves at time when child‐centred learning is of

national interest.

Despite an increased focus on child‐centred approaches in educational policy

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necessarily reflect this approach (Burns & Upex, 2002). Brunei’s teaching and

learning settings are often described by researchers as traditional, didactic and

teacher‐centred and at odds with the Ministry of Education’s view that ‘children

should learn by doing and discovering’ (Ministry of Education, 2007, p. 11). At time

of significant reform in the education system in Brunei, insights into children’s

experiences of learning as seen from the children’s own perspectives are both

timely and significant. Educators, especially primary school teachers, and policy‐

makers may find these insights valuable in improving their perspectives and

practices.

STUDYING

LEARNING

FROM

THE

PERSPECTIVES

OF

STUDENTS

The importance of understanding learning from the students’ perspectives has been

acknowledged since the 1970s (Marton, Dall’Alba & Beaty, 1993; Säljö, 1979). Most

of these studies have involved university and secondary school students (Entwistle,

1987) based on the premise that students need to be articulate enough to describe

their experiences and provide detailed information about learning. Various

quantitative and qualitative studies have investigated learning from the perspective

of students (see for example, Biggs, 1987; Kember, Wong & Leung, 1999; Marton et

al., 1993; Marton & Säljö, 1976a, 1976b).

Quantitative investigations have used questionnaires and checklists such as

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Questionnaire (SPQ) (Biggs, Kember & Leung, 2001). The LPQ has been used to

measure approaches to learning among students in secondary schools and the SPQ

has been used in higher education (Kember, Wong & Leung, 1999). These

inventories were based on Marton and Säljö’s (1976a, 1976b) qualitative research

on students’ approaches to learning. Questionnaires tend to be used for the large‐

scale measurement of ideas, beliefs and attitudes and are often used for

comparison and statistical aggregation of data (Patton, 2002). However, the use of

questionnaires and inventories in studying learning from the students’ perspectives

has been critiqued on the basis that they do not elicit in‐depth and detailed

information about experiences of learning (Biggs & Watkins, 1993). The

disadvantage of using questionnaires and inventories to investigate learning is that

data needs to fit into predetermined response choices (Patton, 2002). In the view

of Biggs and Watkins (1993), ‘a major problem is that the context of learning

particularly as perceived from students’ point of view, is difficult to probe through

standardised questionnaires and statistical analysis …’ (p. 4).

It has been argued that a qualitative approach to research provides a way for

researchers to elicit richer information about how students experience learning.

Qualitative methodologies such as in‐depth interviews, participant observation and

focus groups enable researchers to study selected issues in depth and obtain

detailed descriptions of the students’ learning experiences without being

constrained by predetermined categories of analysis that are often found in

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experiences of learning is seen as valuable because of the way in which it is able to

‘represent points of view which are often obscured or neglected’ (Hammersley,

2000, p. 394). Qualitative research has often been used to provide complex

descriptions of how a phenomenon is experienced by a group of people and, in so

doing, detailed information such as views, emotions, beliefs, and relationships are

identified. When used along with quantitative methods, qualitative research can

provide a better understanding of the complex reality of a given situation.

Experiences of learning

A specific qualitative approach, which investigates students’ experience of learning,

is phenomenography. Phenomenography has been used mainly to identify and

describe the conceptions of learning held by students at different levels of

schooling, ranging from preschool to university (see for example, Marton et al.,

1993; Marton & Säljö, 1976a, 1976b; Pramling, 1983; Stekettee, 1997). Earlier

phenomenographic studies on student learning found that a group of students may

learn the same subject in the same class, but they may have different

understandings or experiences of what it means to learn (Marton et al., 1993; Pang,

2003). Phenomenography can be considered a student‐centred approach to

research, as it aims at understanding the variation in the ways in which students

themselves experience learning (Marton & Säljö, 1976a, 1976b; Marton, 1981;

Svensson, 1977).

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The following sections review international research on students’ conceptions of

learning, including phenomenographic research studies. Key findings of these

studies include the relationship between students’ conceptions of learning and the

ways in which they approach learning, which, in turn, affects academic

achievement. The conceptions of learning held by students across different

cultures and age groups are also reviewed in relation to the current study. This

study draws on international research from Australia, Hong Kong, Nepal, Portugal,

Sweden, the Netherlands and the UK. Discussions from cross‐cultural studies

between German, Flemish, Uruguan and Chinese students are also used as

background to this study. Thus far, very little is known about how children conceive

of learning in small countries like Brunei. The centralised education system in

Brunei, as well as its religious and socio‐cultural practices, makes the context of the

current study unique and, as such, offers new insights into how learning is

experienced and approached by the children.

STUDENTS’

CONCEPTIONS

OF

LEARNING

There is a considerable body of research that has reported on students’ conceptions

of learning (see for example, Marton et al., 1993; Marton & Tsui, 2004; Pramling,

1983; Säljö, 1979). Studies on conceptions of learning began in the 1970s in

Sweden and a majority of these earlier studies was carried out amongst university

students or adult learners (Marton et al., 1993; Säljö, 1979). In phenomenography,

a conception represents ‘a particular way of viewing, thinking about and

Conceptions of learning held by upper pr