Embedded Andean Economic Systems and the

dumbarton oaks Pr e-columbian symposia and colloquia

Series Editors

Joanne Pillsbury

Mary e. Pye

Editorial Board

elizabeth hill boone

Merchants, M ar k ets, and e xchange

in the Pr e-coluMbian Wor ld

kenneth g. hirth and Joanne Pillsbury

Editors

© 2013 dumbarton oaks

trustees for harvard university, Washington, d.c.

all rights reserved.

Printed in the united states of america

library of congress cataloging-in-Publication data

Merchants, markets, and exchange in the Pre-columbian world /

kenneth g. hirth and Joanne Pillsbury, editors.

p. cm. — (dumbarton oaks Pre-columbian symposia and colloquia)

includes index.

 ISBn 978-0-88402-386-9 (hardcover : alk. paper)

1. indians of Mexico—commerce. 2. indians of Mexico—economic conditions. 3. indians of Mexico—

antiquities. 4. indians of central america—commerce. 5. indians of central america—economic

conditions. 6. indians of central america—antiquities. 7. indians of south america—andes region—

commerce. 8. indians of south america—andes region—economic conditions. 9. indians of south

america—andes region—antiquities. i. hirth, ken. ii. Pillsbury, Joanne.

f1219.3.c6m49 2013

972´.01—dc23

2012022302

general editors: Joanne Pillsbury and Mary e. Pye

art director: kathleen sparkes

design and composition: Melissa tandysh

Managing editor: sara taylor

Volume based on papers presented at the Pre-columbian studies symposium “Merchants, trade, and

exchange in the Pre-columbian World,” held at dumbarton oaks research library and collection,

Washington, d.c., on october 8–9, 2010.

Jacket illustration: disguised merchants on the road to tzinacantlan. reproduced from bernardino de

sahagún, Historia de las cosas de Nueva España (Madrid: hauser y Menet, 1905–1907).

Preface and acknowledgments | vii

Joanne Pillsbury

1

Merchants, Markets, and exchange in the Pre-columbian World | 1

Kenneth G. Hirth and Joanne Pillsbury

2

cooperation and the Moral economy of the Marketplace | 23

Richard E. Blanton

3

Merchants and Merchandise: he archaeology of aztec commerce at

otumba, Mexico | 49

Deborah L. Nichols

4

he Merchant’s World: commercial diversity and the economics of interregional

exchange in highland Mesoamerica | 85

Kenneth G. Hirth

5

he social organization of crat Production and interregional exchange

at teotihuacan | 113

David M. Carballo

6

negotiating aztec tributary demands in the

Tribute Record of Tlapa

| 141

Gerardo Gutiérrez

7

People of the road: traders and travelers in ancient Maya Words and images | 169

Alexandre Tokovinine and Dmitri Beliaev

8

Wide open spaces: a long View of the importance of Maya Market exchange | 201

Marilyn A. Masson and David A. Freidel

9

artisans,

Ikatz

, and statecrat: Provisioning classic Maya royal courts | 229

Patricia A. McAnany

10

crat Production and distribution in the Maya lowlands: a Jade case study | 255

Brigitte Kovacevich

11

economic Mobility, exchange, and order in the andes | 283

Tom D. Dillehay

12

in the realm of the incas | 309

Enrique Mayer

13

in the realm of the incas: an archaeological reconsideration of household exchange,

long-distance trade, and Marketplaces in the Pre-hispanic central andes | 319

Richard L. Burger

14

exchange on the equatorial Frontier: a comparison of ecuador and northern Peru | 335

John R. Topic

15

embedded andean economic systems and the expansive tiwanaku state: a case

for a state without Market exchange | 361

Paul S. Goldstein

16

circulating objects and the constitution of south andean society (500 bc–ad 1550) | 389

Axel E. Nielsen

17

barter Markets in the Pre-hispanic andes | 419

Charles Stanish and Lawrence S. Coben

18

discussion | 435

Barry L. Isaac

contributors | 449

T

he papers in this volume were originally

pre-sented at a symposium entitled “Merchants,

trade, and exchange in the Pre-columbian World,”

organized with ken hirth at dumbarton oaks on

october 8th and 9th, 2010. My irst

acknowledg-ment must be to ken, who made the entire

pro-cess—from planning to publishing—an absolute

delight. his great insight into the topic of trade and

exchange, as well as his endless intellectual

curi-osity about and enthusiasm for the subject across

the americas, made the event and the resulting

volume especially stimulating. i would also like to

thank the authors of this volume for their

willing-ness to share their data and ideas, and for working

together to complete this book in a timely fashion.

i am grateful to many individuals who helped

organize the symposium and who supported the

present volume. in particular, i would like to thank

the director of dumbarton oaks, Jan Ziolkowski;

William l. Fash; and the members of the board of

senior fellows, including barbara arroyo, elizabeth

hill boone, tom cummins, Virginia Fields, charles

stanish, gary urton, and david Webster. emily

gulick Jacobs was pivotal in all stages of the

sym-posium and this publication, and i am eternally in

her debt for her contributions, both large and small.

two interns, ari caramanica and Michelle young,

were essential to the overall success of the

sympo-sium itself, and a third intern, alexandra Méndez,

worked tirelessly to prepare this volume during the

summer of 2011. i am grateful to ben benus, kinya

inokuchi, yuichi Matsumoto, yoshio onuki, and

yutaka yoshii for their help in obtaining images for

several chapters.

i ofer my sincere thanks to the three

anony-mous reviewers for their detailed and thoughtful

advice on an early drat of this volume. his

pub-lication would not have been possible without the

assistance of reiko ishihara-brito, whose signiicant

contributions to the inal editorial stages were above

and beyond the call of duty. i am grateful to amanda

sparrow for her graceful copyediting and to Melissa

tandysh for her elegant design. Finally, kathleen

sparkes, director of publications at dumbarton

oaks, and sara taylor, art and archaeology editor,

shepherded the book into print with grace, insight,

and endless good humor.

Joanne Pillsbury

h e complexity of the human condition calls for a large dose of theoretical humility, but this, alas, is hard to i nd, especially in the dominant marginal utility theory paradigm. Value theo-rists need to perceive the limits to the generality of their particular theory. h is requires them to accept that the economy, both market and non-market, has varied over time and place, and that ideas about the functioning of the economy rel ect this geographical and historical varia-tion. Whenever one group claims universality for their particular theory of value there can be no dialogue.

C. A . Gr e g ory “anthropology, economics, and Political economy” (gregory 2000:1008)

h e assumption of market essentialism forecloses considerations of alternative forms of exchange relations and structures. given the historical and comparative diversity of market relations and

institutions, there is at least a prima facie reason to consider alternative arrangements.

Joh n L i e “sociology of Markets” (1997:353)

Markets versus Embedded Exchange

A

ndean civilizations are the

quintes-sential home of alternative economic

arrange-ments. one key theme of this volume is the debate

over a kind of andean economic exceptionalism—

the question of whether the andean states and

empires are unique, in the comparative economic

anthropology of state societies, for the absence of

signii cant price-i xing and entrepreneurial

tradi-tions. as the chapters in this volume attest, the early

spanish chroniclers described the astounding

com-plexity of Mesoamerican crat and trading systems,

and reported dozens of ethnosemantic categories

about market exchange involving entrepreneurial

15

Embedded Andean Economic Systems

and the Expansive Tiwanaku State

A Case for a State without Market Exchange

traders. he evidence for Mesoamerican market

trade includes a god of trade, long-standing

com-modity equivalencies, the recognition of transport

costs and distance decay patterns, and attention

to market reliability and fairness. all of these

fac-tors made Mesoamerican marketplaces somewhat

familiar to modern scholars of economics. clearly,

commerce, entrepreneurship, and market exchange

were every bit as important as engines of

civiliza-tional development in Mesoamerica as they were in

the old World (adams 1978; algaze 1993; berdan

1982; hassig 1985; hirth 1978, 1984; isaac 1993, 1996;

smith 2001; stein 1999).

his is a tough act to follow for andeanists. For

while spanish chroniclers in Mesoamerica wrote

in awestruck detail about the strange, yet familiar,

workings of the great markets and merchant classes

of the aztec empire, a similar group of spanish

observers in the andes failed to describe

market-places to any comparable extent and reported little

about pricing or entrepreneurial commerce (Murra

1980 [1955]; stanish et al. 2010). indeed, the absence

of market institutions and standard

equivalen-cies of exchange in the andes frustrated the early

spanish bureaucrats, who eventually learned to

document and exploit the complex web of

mit’a

(labor tax extraction), attached crat production,

and strategic colonization that they inherited from

the inca empire (stanish 2000).

he problem that comparativists are

address-ing in this volume is not only one of indaddress-ing (or

not inding) evidence of market exchange,

mar-ketplaces, equivalencies, or professionalized

entre-preneurs in the andes. it is that the andean states

pose an existential threat to the dominant

mar-ginal utility theory paradigm for the rise of state

societies. central features of the classic economic

formations of most old World and Mesoamerican

states include the lorescence of entrepreneurial

spirit, the commoditization of goods and labor,

and the assumption of an economizing logic and

proit motive (blanton and Fargher 2010). a state

society without all the habits of market

rational-ity runs counter to our expectations of how state

economies should work. are the andean states the

exception to the rule? Was there not only an inca

mode of production (godelier 1977; Murra 1985),

but an andean mode of economic thought, one

that emphasized reciprocity, with minimal

mar-ket rationality, proit, and commoditization? or

have andeanists simply not looked hard enough?

if these questions recall twentieth-century debates

between formalist and substantivist positions on

economic theory, then perhaps it is because a range

of economic modes may have existed in very

dif-ferent proportion in various ancient complex

soci-eties (smith 2004:79). it helps to view the andean

economic formations through the prisms of both

formal and culturalist theories.

in what follows, i will make a case that the

economic integration of the tiwanaku state (ad

500–1000) shows no evidence of signiicant

mar-kets, price-ixing rationality, or entrepreneurial

exchange. i will argue that tiwanaku’s domestic

and political economies were overwhelmingly

what karl Polanyi would have called “embedded”

economies typiied by reciprocity and

redistribu-tion within socially nested networks of

agropasto-ral and crat production (Polanyi 1957; smith 1976).

The Andean Debate

transition to primarily market exchange being a

relatively recent shit.

1

_{i stress the word}

“primar-ily” because, contrary to readings of all of his work

as a ixed institutional typology, Polanyi elsewhere

admitted that shades of reciprocity, redistribution,

or market exchange are found in any society to

some degree (halperin 1994). hus, some

utilitar-ian negotiated exchange (“higgling and haggling”)

no doubt occurred within and between every

hunt-ing band. conversely, even the most modern

mar-ket systems are closely embedded in networks of

human relations, with action predicated on goals

of sociability, approval, status, and power, as well

as economizing rationality (granovetter 1985). he

same logic allows for the existence of some

com-plex societies where embedded exchange modes

contingent on other kinds of social actions could

outweigh the commercial market-based exchange

(blanton and Fargher 2010:221).

a second prerequisite for debating andean

economic exceptionalism, of course, involves de

-in -ing an “ancient” or premodern market. not

sur prisingly, proponents of marginal utility

para-digms favor the projection of market behaviors into

deep history by employing deinitions of market

exchange that include transactions where the forces

of supply and demand are merely visible, though

not necessarily paramount. With such an inclusive

deinition, it is possible to consider reciprocal gits,

bride wealth, and even the classic

moka

of highland

new guinea as forms of “market exchange” (hirth

2010:229). While this position has a certain classical

analytic clarity, the focus on the utilitarian aspect

is at odds with specialists who see these institutions

to be predominantly socially embedded (akin and

robbins 1999).

i here will deine “market exchange” as the

realm of economic transactions that are primarily

based on individual rational economizing behavior

(i.e., in which negotiations over price, under forces

of supply and demand, are the dominant

transac-tional considerations). to be a market exchange,

a transaction’s motivation must be primarily one

of pricing and predominantly disembedded from

social context (i.e., “shorn of social relations,

insti-tutions, or technology and . . . devoid of elementary

sociological concerns such as power, norms, and

networks” [lie 1997:342]). i will argue that

tiwa-naku’s economy did not meet this standard any

more than those of traditional highland new

guinea. he concept of an andean states’

excep-tion to the market exchange assumpexcep-tion came

to andean studies not from Polanyi, but by way

of that

amauta

of andean economic

anthropol-ogy, John Murra. his 1955 dissertation and related

articles on inca imperial production and exchange

(Murra 1962, 1980 [1955]), followed by a distinct

series of articles focusing on relations of

reciproc-ity within smaller andean polities (Murra 1968,

1972), are now accepted as paradigmatic statements

of the dominance of nonmarket economic modes

in native andean states (Morris 1979). since Murra,

the political economy of Pre-columbian andean

states is widely conceived of as something between

the inca’s centrally directed command economy

funded through

mit’a

labor taxes (la lone 1982;

leVine 1992; Morris 1986) and a complex web of

embedded social relationships deined by ethnicity

and kinship (stanish 1997). under either scheme,

andean economic production and the allocational

movement of goods and services took place in a

network of households, extended agrarian

com-munities known as

ayllus

, and far-lung productive

enclaves that Murra described as an archipelago.

in Murra’s vision, market exchange and

entrepre-neurial action were subdued or even entirely absent

from the Pre-columbian andes.

foreign groups (Murra 1980 [1955]:146; stanish

et al. 2010); however, as these authors note, fairs

were also embedded within complex social, ritual,

and political networks, and their association with

even limited “market exchange” or

entrepreneur-ial motives is unclear.

still other authors suggest that Murra’s

ideol-ogy, formed in the streets of romania, spain, and

chicago, let him prone to a polemic primitivism

(Figure 15.1). he question, though, is not whether

John Murra had an interesting past and some biases

(Mayer, this volume), but whether his analyses of

the inca command economy and andean

reciproc-ity were largely correct. trained as an

anthropol-ogist, Murra was informed by a wide reading of

structural functionalism and a worldwide

com-parative stance, not naive ideology or a cofeehouse

reading of Polanyi. Murra’s revolutionary

interpre-tations incorporate previously underappreciated

economic data from

visitas

(royal censuses)

and

notarial records, as well as traditional chronicle

sources. ironically, this innovative perspective

on inca political economy arose in part from the

denial of a u.s. passport to Murra until 1958, which

kept him away from ethnographic research and

forced him into the library (salomon 2007). on

bal-ance, it is not Murra’s politics but his pragmatic and

data-driven approach that explains why many of

his interpretations remain valid ater ive decades.

Archipelagos,

Ayllus

, and Diasporas

several years ater proposing the inca as a

non-market state society, Murra (1964, 1968, 1972, 1985)

suggested another andean economic mode in

a form of economic colonization and reciprocal

exchange practiced in the south-central andes at

the time of the spanish invasion. Murra described

such systems as “archipelagos” because ethnic

poli-ties seemed to establish extended communipoli-ties

with “islands” of settlement in multiple productive

zones, all linked by ethnic and kin networks.

2

_he

most cited, but least compelling, aspect of Murra’s

archipelago phenomenon is the functional truism

of “vertical” ecological complementarity across the

altitude-deined environment of the andes (Van

buren 1996:340).

More interesting, however, are the archipelago

model’s structural implications about the

impor-tance of complex and enduring social identities

in the ancient andes. elsewhere, i have compared

Murra’s model of multiethnic colonization to recent

considerations of some migrant streams as

“dia-sporas.” diasporas, like archipelago colonies, are

expatriate communities that maintain a strong

connection to their original homeland and see the

ancestral home as a place of eventual return, and

whose consciousness and solidarity are

impor-tantly deined by this continuing relationship with

their parent communities in the homeland (cliford

1994:304). in the andes, early spanish bureaucrats

were intrigued because certain enclave settlements

invariably insisted on being counted with their

dis-tant community of origin, even ater generations of

igure 15.1

residence in the colonized location (Murra 1972:431).

equally surprising to the spaniards, although

col-onists maintained permanent residence in new

locations, their settlements shared each colonized

resource zone interspersed with enclaves of other

ethnic polities. in 1571, the

visitador

Juan Polo de

ondegardo noted with bewilderment the lack of

ter-ritorial exclusivity among enclaves in one lowland

valley, writing, “in accounting for and

distribut-ing the thdistribut-ings they brdistribut-ing, it is curious and diicult

to believe, but no one is wronged” (Julien 1985). a

similar “multi-ethnic rubbing of shoulders” was

described in a 1595 litigation that airmed

simulta-neous settlements of “indios lupacas, yungas,

huari-nas y achacaches” in the valley of larecaja, bolivia

(saignes 1986), and among colonies of lupaqa, colla,

Pacaxe, and coastal camanchaca ailiation in the

western oasis valleys of Moquegua, sama, caplina,

and azapa in Peru and chile (hidalgo lehuedé

1996; hidalgo lehuedé and Focacci aste 1986; Murra

1972; Pease g. y. 1980, 1984; rostworowski 1986; Van

buren 1996).

it is important to stress that multiethnic co

-existence does not mean that colonized regions were

melting pots. in fact, it means just the opposite. as

expatriate colonies carefully maintained their

iden-tities and economic ties with their parent

com-munities, they had relatively limited contact with

neighboring colonies of diferent ethnic origins. in

lowland resource zones, this segregation makes

func-tional sense because neighboring colonies within a

resource zone tended to produce similar products,

leaving little incentive for exchange between them.

ongoing ethnographic research also suggests

that multiethnic coexistence between lowland

col-onies could be facilitated by the separation of each

colonial enclave into a distinct irrigation group

(Fortier and goldstein 2006). interviews were

con-ducted in two recently settled agrarian colonies at

trapiche, a location at 1,300 meters above sea level

(masl) in the Moquegua Valley in southern Peru

(Figure 15.2). hese two irrigation groups comprise

separate communities of irst-generation immigrants

from the highland hamlets of Muylaque (3,300 masl)

figure 15.2

and Pachas (3,600 masl). together with the

inter-view data, aerial images from the years 1997, 2006,

and 2011 demonstrate the two enclaves’ separate

his-tories and mutual independence. he Muylaque

col-ony’s canal, indicated in the 1997 air photo (Figure

15.3a), was created by a group of pioneer women and

men from the aymara-speaking parent community

of Muylaque. he Muylaque group gradually brought

more family members to complete the canal and to

successfully irrigate and cultivate the area irst

vis-ible in the 2006 photo (Figure 15.3b). later, a diferent

coalition of men and women from the

Quechua-speaking town of Pachas constructed a separate,

higher, and much longer canal, irst indicated in the

2006 photo, which brought an entirely separate area

to fruition in the 2011 photo (Figure 15.3c). our

inter-views found that these neighboring communities

have little contact with each other, each primarily

maintaining relationships with their homeland

com-munities. signiicantly, the Muylaque and Pachas

groups choose diferent crops to plant; use

difer-ent planting and land forming technologies; recount

diferent self-descriptions of origins, kin ties,

settle-ment histories, and identity; and, most relevant here,

employ distinct named categories of reciprocal and

nonmarket labor relations, such as

ayni

(mutual aid)

(Figure 15.4) (Fortier and goldstein 2006).

a inal theoretical note is that the workings of

socially embedded economies are intricately linked

to social and structural reproduction. in the case of

archipelago colonies past and present, this would

imply that colonial enclaves maintain strong

identi-ties by reproducing the social structure and practice

of their parent communities. hus, historic lupaqa

colonies replicated the division of the two

home-land moieties, aransaya and urinsaya, and each

colony reported speciic allegiance to and traded

with their respective moiety (Murra 1968:126). More

igure 15.3

images of trapiche denuncia: a) 1997 photograph, showing Muylaque canal under construction; b) 2006 photograph, showing Muylaque agrarian colony (© 2006 google); and c) 2011 photograph, showing Muylaque and Pachas agrarian colonies (© 2011 google).

a

b

ine-grained ethnic, occupational, or status

catego-ries were also each represented within archipelago

colonies, many of them glossed under the recursive

structure known as the

ayllu

.

he andean

ayllu

, as understood from

ethnog-raphy and ethnohistory in Quechua and

aymara-speaking regions of the south-central andes, is a

corporate body of ascriptive identity held together

by shared conceptions of behavior, history, and

com-mon ancestry. structurally, an

ayllu

is a “group or

unit of social, political, economic, and ritual

cohe-sion and action” (astvaldsson 2000; urton 1993).

Ayllu

membership may be determined by literal or

ictive descent, adoption, geographical origins,

polit-ical negotiation, marriage, alliance, or other criteria

(abercrombie 1998:341; albarracin-Jordan 1996a;

isbell 1997:99; salomon 1991).

Ayllus

typically exhibit

recursive structure and binary oppositions,

split-ting by moiety (Platt 1986) and forming “recursive”

(urton 1993), “nested” (albarracin-Jordan 1996b), or

“chinese box” hierarchical arrangement of

compo-nent parts (astvaldsson 2000:148; bouysse-cassagne

1986:207). Functional deinitions emphasize the

ayllu

as a landholding collective (brush 1977:41; rowe

1946:255); the proprietor and ritual superintendent

of water rights (sherbondy 1982); an economically

autonomous kin collective (Moseley 1992:49); and

the key suprahousehold unit of a “communal mode

of production” for exchange and productive labor

organization above the level of the nuclear family

(Patterson and gailey 1987).

he archipelago model proposes several

princi-ples testable in the archaeological record: 1)

perma-nent residence in complementary resource zones;

2) multiple colonies who explicitly maintained

identity with distinct homeland parent

communi-ties; 3) reproduction of the social structure of the

homeland; and 4) multiethnicity, or the sharing of

figure 15.4

resource zones by colonies of various ethnic,

politi-cal, or social ailiations. archaeological diferences

in cultural practice and material culture among

contemporary settlements would lend support for

multiethnicity. if, as Murra posits, the principal

mode of exchange in the south-central andes was

embedded in the archipelago’s extended

commu-nities, we would expect to ind relative

homogene-ity of exchanged goods within communhomogene-ity groups

and heterogeneity be tween groups. Finally,

dem-onstrating multiethnic coexistence in the

archaeo-logical record further requires settlement-pattern

evidence showing contemporary colonial enclaves

of distinct ailiations coexisting in proximity. John

Murra himself sketched out a hypothesis that could

only be tested through research on both

archaeo-logical identity and regional settlement patterns:

“i wouldn’t be surprised if we ind in one single

valley settlements of diverse antecedents without

any temporal stratiication between them. hese

would simply be peripheral colonies established in

the lowlands by cores that were contemporary, but

diverse in material culture” (Murra 1972:441). in

what follows, i examine the tiwanaku state

colo-nies of southern Peru and propose that a diasporic

archipelago model best explains tiwanaku’s

pro-ductive organization and its nonmarket system

of integration.

Tiwanaku Expansion—Pluralism in Diaspora

he civilization we call tiwanaku created the

larg-est and most cosmopolitan city the andes had yet

seen with a far-lung network of towns and

ceremo-nial centers in outlying regions, near and far. some

ind that tiwanaku bears comparison to

hierarchi-cal archaic states elsewhere in the world and

envi-sion “tiwanaku” as a unitary political actor with a

centralized government, territorial governance, and

class-stratiied society (goldstein 1993a; Janusek and

kolata 2004; kolata 1993, 2003)—or at least a

cen-tralized tributary political economy, perhaps like

that of the inca (stanish 2002). others, however, see

tiwanaku as a segmentary confederation in which

component groups recognized a cultural unity and

some form of maximal polity but reckoned social

ailiations and conducted daily business at the level

of

ayllus

or some similar form of autonomous local

corporate organizations (albarracin-Jordan 1996a,

1996b; berenguer 1998; bermann 1994, 1997; Janusek

1999, 2002, 2004; Mcandrews et al. 1997).

in the following discussion of tiwanaku

colo-nization and economic integration of the

maize-producing region of Moquegua, i suggest that

tiwa naku could act as a unitary state for ceremonial

and political purposes, but its day-to-day systems of

economic production and distribution functioned

through reciprocity and redistribution integrated

on a community level. reciprocity depends on

iden-tity and trust, and tiwanaku reciprocity was

articu-lated through units smaller than the state. i argue

that socially embedded exchange was articulated

through enduring and largely autonomous recursive

corporate groupings within the greater tiwanaku

civilization, rather than a unitary political economy,

hierarchical tributary, or administrative

infrastruc-ture. tiwanaku civilization’s component corporate

groups were the principal organizational agents of

tiwanaku economic production, and these

seg-ments replicated themselves in the settlement

pat-terns and domestic habitus of colonized regions.

since the turn of the twentieth century, the

ex tent of tiwanaku material culture in the

south-central andean region has suggested a wide area

of cultural inluence. recent empirical and

meth-odological advances have succeeded in

contextu-alizing the scale and integration of this tiwanaku

expansion, and the emergence of a problem-oriented

mortuary and household archaeology makes it

pos-sible to associate peripheral tiwanaku practices

with social structure, group identity, and power

relations. diacritics for shared social identity may

be evident archaeologically in spatially discernible

variations and microvariations in costume, utensils,

household, ceremonial, mortuary, or other practices

and materials. Variability appears to correspond to

nested levels of scale, such as polity, ethnicity,

moi-ety, or major and minor

ayllus

.

studies of tiwanaku mortuary behavior, tomb

con-struction, burial positioning, and clothing (baitzel

and goldstein 2011; buikstra 1995; korpisaari 2006;

Plunger 2009). subtle but signiicant diferences

in tiwanaku mortuary treatment include

difer-ences in burial wrapping procedures; the use of

lit-ters, timing, placement, and associations of surface

mourners’ oferings; and the appearance of

feath-ered headdresses on tiwanaku mummy bundles in

some cemeteries (Figure 15.5).

studies of the variations in intentional cranial

deformation provide particularly strong evidence

for the intergenerational maintenance of distinct

identities. cranial deformation is a stylistic

behav-ior that is imposed on children by their parents and

leaves a permanent and unchangeable record on the

body. For this reason, it can be a particularly

tell-tale marker of social identity on several levels of

scale. Widely held norms about desirable head shape

might mark shared group identity for entire ethnic

groups (blom 1999, 2005; buikstra 1995; buikstra

et al. 1990; hoshower et al. 1995; sutter 2000;

torres-rouf 2002). For much of the tiwanaku culture, the

preferred head shape involved variants of

fronto-occipital deformation (Figure 15.6). at the same

time, individual communities achieved more subtle

variants of general norms with speciic choices about

particular deforming devices, such as facial

deform-ers designed to latten the cheekbones (Figure 15.7).

as social identity is at least partially ailiated

with kinship and marriage patterns, skeletal

biolog-ical distance studies also ofer insight into genetic

relationships among tiwanaku populations across

time and space (blom 1999; blom et al. 1998; lozada

cerna 1998; rothhammer et al. 1989; rothhammer

and santoro 2001; sutter 2000); paleodietary and

isotopic origin studies conirm migratory

pat-terns and point to unique regional origins,

agricul-tural practices, or cuisines among diferent groups

(knudson 2008; knudson et al. 2004; sandness 1992;

tomczak 2003).

recent advances in household archaeology

studies are particularly important for

understand-ing the link between tiwanaku’s nonmarket

insti-tutions and its larger social and cultural systems.

household archaeology has given us a window into

figure 15.5

tiwanaku mummy with feathered headdress and cane feather holders, río Muerto M70 r1. (Photograph by Paul s. goldstein.)

igure 15.6

daily life, household agrarian and crat

produc-tion, storage, and consumption in the tiwanaku

culture, both in the altiplano heartland and abroad

(bermann 1994, 1997; goldstein 1993b, 2005; Janusek

1999, 2002, 2004). implements for farming and crop

processing, tool making, food preparation, and

tex-tile production appear in most households,

suggest-ing local household production of most quotidian

goods for the individual household and the extended

community. common patterns evident in household

goods—such as one-piece leather sandals and

cam-elid mandible polishers—indicate the reproduction

of universally shared tiwanaku artifact types and

technological styles that must have reinforced

com-mon identity (Figures 15.8–15.9). at the same time,

microvariability in house plan and construction,

figure 15.7

Facial deformer mask, río Muerto M43b, r52, tiwanaku style, Moquegua. (Photograph by Paul s. goldstein.)

igure 15.8

tiwanaku x-strap leather sandal, río Muerto M43 tiwanaku site, Moquegua. (Photograph by Paul s. goldstein.)

igure 15.9

tools, clothing, vessels, and household dedicatory

practices suggest stylistic ailiation with one or

another subgroup. bodily marking and adornment

similarly announced ailiation with and the

repro-duction of a cultural identity, with diacritical

infor-mation encoded in an astounding array of technical,

decorative, and formal variability in the textile arts

(Murra 1962; oakland 1992) as well as group-speciic

techniques of body modiication, such as cranial and

facial deformation (Figure 15.10).

Finally, systematic settlement pattern

stud-ies allow us to consider the intersection of identity

and exchange with the tiwanaku settlement system

(albarracin-Jordan 1996a; Janusek and kolata 2004;

Mcandrews et al. 1997; stanish 2003). Many of these

studies have considered the case for settlement

hier-archy as a proxy for the degree of central state

inte-gration in the tiwanaku homeland. What i will focus

on here for the Moquegua colonies might also include

settlement heterarchy: how settlement pattern

analy-sis, building on the increasingly sophisticated

under-standing of tiwanaku social and cultural variability

from household and mortuary archaeology, can also

map distinct contemporary settlements with diferent

social identities across a colonized region.

Tiwanaku Diaspora Settlement Patterns—

Two Archipelagos, One Valley

in some peripheral regions, tiwanaku expansion

was typiied by agrarian colonization.

3

_lowland

valley regions provided complementary temperate

crop resources such as maize, coca, peppers, and

beans, all of which are unavailable in tiwanaku’s

altiplano core region. in exchange, this core region

provided highland products and a large agrarian

labor force in the form of expatriate colonists. our

best case study of tiwanaku colonization is in the

Moquegua (also known as Middle osmore) Valley

of southern Peru, approximately three hundred

kilometers west of the tiwanaku site. since 1993,

the Moquegua archaeological survey (MAS) has

systematically surveyed the area (150 square

kilo-meters) of the Middle Moquegua Valley, which

is between 900 and 2,000 masl. a total of 531

Pre-columbian site components of all periods were

recorded, classiied as habitation sites (207

compo-nents, covering 220 hectares), cemeteries (168

com-ponents, covering 47 hectares), agricultural ields

and canals (20 components), ceremonial structures

(11 components), and

apachetas

(small ritual or

ofer-ing sites, 6 components).

tiwanaku and later tiwanaku-derived

settle-ments collectively occupied more than 141

hect-ares of residential sites in the Middle Moquegua

Valley (Figures 15.11–15.12). he tiwanaku settlers

preferred large settlements on plateaus above the

river loodplain and evidently avoided the existing

valley-bottom settlements of the huaracane,

efec-tively partitioning the valley territory in a form of

multiethnic coexistence. i will focus here on the

eighty-three hectares of tiwanaku occupation,

which comprised two contemporary tiwanaku

migrant communities from the altiplano, known

as the omo- and chen chen–style occupations.

figure 15.10

Moquegua tiwanaku sites were open and

unforti-ied, suggesting that the tiwanaku colonists averted

direct conlict with the region’s indigenous

inhabit-ants. Paleodemography and strontium isotope

anal-ysis support archaeological interpretations that the

Moquegua tiwanaku sites were inhabited by

irst-generation altiplano immigrants and their

descen-dents, rather than acculturated local populations

(baitzel 2008; knudson 2008). hese tiwanaku

colonists, already experienced with collective land

reclamation from tiwanaku’s altiplano raised ields

(kolata 1996; kolata and ortlof 1996), chose

ter-rain near springs and canal-irrigable lands deeper

in the desert. a major el niño event circa ad 700

may also have played a role in this choice. Middle

valley efects of this event may have been

com-plex, potentially wiping out the ields of indigenous

farmers dependent on valley-bottom lands while, at

the same time, attracting tiwanaku settlement by

recharging springs in lowland Moquegua in a year

likely characterized by highland drought (goldstein

and Magilligan 2011; Magilligan and goldstein

2001; Magilligan et al. 2008; Manners et al. 2007).

contrary to expectations for agrarian

land-scapes in many state societies, the MAS systematic

survey found no evidence of a tiwanaku settlement

hierarchy in the Moquegua colonies. speciically,

there were virtually no small tiwanaku hamlets

or individual farmstead sites. he tiwanaku

set-tlement in Moquegua was instead concentrated

figure 15.11

in large residential sectors in four large townsite

enclaves in locations that were not inhabited

previ-ously—the omo-, chen chen–, río Muerto–, and

cerro echenique–site groups. hese four tiwanaku

areas are all located some distance from the valley

loodplain and are connected by desert caravan

trails and a series of llama geoglyphs still visible on

hillsides near chen chen (Figure 15.13).

Mapping Moquegua’s tiwanaku-contemporary

colonization is instructive on the socially embedded

nature of tiwanaku economy because the tiwanaku

presence may be subdivided into two distinct

con-temporary sets of residential components,

desig-nated as the omo and chen chen styles. omo- and

chen chen–style occupations are found in distinct

residential sectors within each site group. his

dis-persal indicates simultaneous colonial settlement by

diferent segments of the tiwanaku population who

resided separately and maintained their distinct

ailiations and lifeways.

omo-style tiwanaku ceramics predominated

at iteen site components covering a total of 28.7

hectares. his presence suggests an omo-style

colo-nial population of perhaps three thousand people,

almost all of whom clustered in large residential

sectors at the site groups of omo, chen chen/los

cerrillos, and río Muerto. he omo-style

sec-tors of these townsites are the farthest away from

the irrigable valley loodplain and closest to the

caravan routes, a placement that could suggest the

figure 15.12

omo-style tiwanaku colonists may have arrived

as pastoralists or caravan drovers. omo-style

resi-dential remains consisted of multiroom structures

constructed of mats or skins suspended from poles

and arrayed in community sectors around plazas

for public assembly (goldstein 1993b, 2000, 2005).

he omo-style colonists brought with them

tradi-tions and lifeways that marked their identity with

tiwanaku culture and a wide range of everyday tools

and implements that linked their everyday habitual

behaviors to those of their homeland. While

utili-tarian ceramics and some utensils may have been

locally made, their formal and functional identity

with altiplano tiwanaku prototypes conirms that

they were made by tiwanaku-trained cratspeople

for tiwanaku consumers adhering to a tiwanaku

way of doing things, and there can be little

ques-tion that these tiwanaku colonists were of altiplano

origin. Within this general identity with tiwanaku

origins, speciic variants of household practice and

material culture were also speciic to the omo style.

either simultaneously or shortly ater the

ini-tial omo-style tiwanaku colonization, a second

set of tiwanaku towns appeared in Moquegua, and

they are associated with a distinct subset of

tiwa-naku material culture known as the chen chen

style (Figure 15.14). chen chen–style settlements

are found adjacent to the omo-style sites at the

site groups in the Middle Moquegua Valley,

cover-ing a total of 54.6 hectares of domestic area, with

an additional 10.4 hectares occupied by forty-eight

distinct cemeteries (Figure 15.12); this arrangement

suggests a mortuary population between ten

thou-sand and twenty thouthou-sand burials (goldstein 2005;

goldstein and owen 2001). biometric and isotopic

analysis has conirmed the altiplano origins of these

figure 15.13

occupations in household organization, size, and

productive activities, and the chen chen–style

occupation also includes the only example of a

tiwanaku sunken court temple in the region at the

omo M10 site (goldstein 1993a).

chen chen–style sites show ample evidence of

intensive cultivation of maize, cotton, coca,

pep-pers, and other temperate crops for export to parent

communities. a massive presence of chipped stone

hoes, large rocker

batanes,

or grinding stones, and

numerous underground storage cists in household

complexes further attest to intensive farming. he

number and size of the

batanes

indicates a focus on

maize processing for both local use and for export

to the altiplano. ongoing isotopic and

paleoethno-botanical research indicate a prevalence of maize

consumption among the colonists (Muñoz et al.

2009; sandness 1992), and Moquegua maize

ker-nels have been identiied at the site of tiwanaku

(hastorf et al. 2006), conirming that production

indeed exceeded demands of the colony and that

surplus was shipped to trade partners in tiwanaku

and other altiplano communities. Maize was a vital

political resource, essential for the success of the

state and the leaders of its component

ayllus

, in

that it fueled tiwanaku’s ritual cycle in the form

of

chicha,

or maize beer. in andean societies, the

acceptance of political leadership mandated the

sponsorship of competing festival drinking bouts

critical to economic, social, and political relations.

because maize cannot grow in the tiwanaku

homeland due to frost, access to maize from

low-land regions would have been a powerful

motiva-tor for each parent community to establish its own

ailiated colonies in lowland regions.

Embedded Economies in the Tiwanaku

Colonies

consideration of tiwanaku settlement patterns

in Moquegua does not ind a well-integrated

sin-gle hierarchy of site size that would indicate either

market eiciency or a unitary command economy.

instead, the distinction we see between two

sepa-rate, crosscutting groups of tiwanaku colonists

figure 15.14

chen chen–style red Ware qero. (Photograph by Paul s. goldstein.)

suggests simultaneous migrant streams with

dis-tinct origins and allegiances within the tiwanaku

core region. he structured sharing of space in

Moquegua between omo-style and chen chen–

style colonists may relect the transplantation of

distinct diasporas from two or more autonomous

segments of tiwanaku society. hese groups

oper-ated as separate social, political, and economic

networks, with distinct material cultures and

practices, yet their adjacent settlements coexisted

within large townsites in the colonies and at the

tiwanaku-type site itself (bouysse-cassagne 1986;

kolata 1993:101, 2003).

he prevalence of polished black serving wares

and other ceramic types in the omo-style

assem-blage suggests ailiations with parent communities

on the southwestern shore of lake titicaca

4

_and

sis-ter sites such as Piñami, in the distant cochabamba

Valley of bolivia (anderson 2009). his

inter-regional distribution of blackware suggests one

corporately linked archipelago extending from the

omo-style colonies of Moquegua to a mirror

col-ony of the same ethnic group on the eastern slopes

of the andes. he contemporary chen chen–style

sites in Moquegua did not equally participate in the

omo-style network; they instead seem to belong

figure 15.15

to a distinct subtradition of the greater tiwanaku

style represented in the tiwanaku site itself and

dis-tinct sites in the altiplano and cochabamba.

it appears that the vast majority of goods

and services in the tiwanaku colonies circulated

through something very much like Murra’s

“archi-pelagos.” exchanges were embedded in networks of

noncontiguous settlements that could crosscut and

coexist with one another in diferent resource zones

across the tiwanaku sphere. hese corporate

net-works mobilized staple and industrial agricultural

products (maize, potatoes, coca, legumes, peppers,

cotton, wool, meat, and hides), a variety of corvée

and communal labor pools, and most crat products

(textiles, ceramics, wood, basketry, reed mats, and

bone and leather goods). he frequencies of speciic

substyles of tiwanaku products, such as black

pol-ished serving ware, do not seem to show a typical

distance decay pattern that might be expected under

market exchange conditions. instead, high

frequen-cies of blackware ceramics clump in the copacabana

peninsula and in the “islands” of “omo-style”

col-onization in cochabamba and Moquegua. While

these items moved between ecological zones, their

movement was always embedded in social context—

that is, within networks of socially linked parent

and sister communities, rather than as alienated

commodities in market interactions.

Were there some true commodities in

tiwanaku that pose commercial exceptions to this em

-bedded economic system? he omo and chen

chen settlement archipelagos in Moquegua were

in contact with one another and traded some goods

and services between them, particularly if the two

groups truly represent pastoralists, drovers, and

agrarian ethnic specialists—a hypothesis that bears

further research. certainly highly specialized

crats-people, and concentration of some rare raw

materi-als, are indicated by some of the tiwanaku culture’s

iner serving ceramics, stone and shell beadwork,

and most elaborate and labor-intensive textiles. but

tiwanaku-made highly crated preciosities such as

tapestry tunics (Figure 15.15) betray less uniformity

and standardization than their inca counterparts,

and are actually quite rare, suggesting that they

may have been produced by highly skilled weaver

households and circulated as highly valued and

emblematic prestations, rather than through

mar-kets or the highly specialized attached workshops

and regulated sumptuary redistribution, envisioned

for the inca state’s

cumbi

cloth (Murra 1962).

a more compelling possibility for truly

com-mercial market exchange might be sought in

exter-nal trade between the tiwanaku colonies and

non-tiwanaku partners. While internal exchange

within the expanded tiwanaku cultural sphere

accounted for the vast majority of economic

activ-ity for its peoples, the southern andes also had a

long-standing tradition of long-distance caravan

trade between distant regions (dillehay, this

vol-ume; nielsen, this volume). For tiwanaku, such

intercultural exchange could have included

interac-tions with local groups (green and goldstein 2010;

owen 2005; owen and goldstein 2001), the Wari

colony on cerro baúl (Moseley et al. 2005; Williams

and nash 2002), and more distant, non-tiwanaku

“others.” exchange with strangers can be

confronta-tional and fraught with peril (blanton, this volume),

yet extramural trade would have been the only way

to obtain certain exotic products or raw materials

that were unavailable within the tiwanaku social

sphere. such goods include

Spondylus

shell from

ecuador, macaw feathers, animal pelts, medicines,

and dyes and hallucinogens from the amazonian

region (Figure 15.16), all of which must have been

obtained from non-tiwanaku peoples or via

inter-mediaries, conditions suggestive of

disembed-ded negotiated equivalencies and entrepreneurial

action. Further research on obsidian, a sourceable

raw material heavily used in the Wari culture but

rare in tiwanaku lithic industries, may be a

prom-ising avenue of investigation here. obsidian is

extremely rare in Moquegua tiwanaku contexts,

but what has been found has been traced to

Wari-controlled sources, indicating that at least some

goods were obtained outside of polity, ethnic, or

exchange across the cultural divide between Wari

and tiwanaku. indeed, other exchange mode

pos-sibilities such as thet, pillage, or even projectile

exchange might explain the quantities present.

Moreover, in the vast majority of tiwanaku

house-holds and tombs, extracultural exotic commodities

from outside the tiwanaku sphere seldom appear

and may have been replaced with internally

avail-able import substitutes. hus, virtually all jewelry

and oferings use regionally available

Choromytilus

and oliva shell instead of exotic

Spondylus

; altiplano

lamingo feathers replace amazonian macaw; and

white chert, rather than obsidian, is the raw material

of choice for the vast majority of small stone tools.

Conclusion

We began by wondering whether new case

stud-ies might give cause to question the Murra

the-sis of andean economic exceptionalism—that

nonmarket economic logics were far more

domi-nant in indigenous andean states than in the old

World and Mesoamerican civilizations. could this

“conventional wisdom” have been overstated, or

could it even be an artifact of Murra’s own

substan-tivist leanings? My consideration of tiwanaku’s

agrarian colonies inds support for both Murra’s

early general statement on the socially embedded

nature of andean economics and his later prediction

of “archipelagos” as reciprocal trade networks in

col-onized resource zones. tiwanaku has still produced

no evidence of marketplaces, commodiication,

alienation, or systems of equivalencies that suggest

trucking or bartering in a price-ixing market.

nor does it seem that the tiwanaku colonies

responded to a centralized “command economy”

like that of the inca in Murra’s initial formulation.

at least part of the inca economic system was a

highly centralized top-down redistribution of land

and labor, with highly standardized crat

produc-tion for hegemonic impression-management and

emblematic state gits subject to sumptuary laws,

such as uniform tapestry tunics and headgear that

embodied both congealed labor value and a

cen-trally regulated social status (Murra 1962). he

inca, of course, also funded massive infrastructural

investment in roads, storage, and communication

figure 15.16

(d’altroy 1992, 2001; hyslop 1990; leVine 1992;

Morris 1986). in contrast, tiwanaku had few

stan-dardized emblematic sumptuary goods to attest to

fully attached specialist communities, and luxury

goods seem more diverse in manufacture and

ori-gin. neither do tiwanaku colonized regions nor

intervening zones reveal much of the centralized

logistical infrastructure in the form of warehouses,

roads,

tambos

, and other centrally administered

installations that are so emblematic of inca rule

(goldstein 2005; stanish et al. 2010).

instead, the tiwanaku colonies better it

Murra’s later description of a southern andean

tra-dition of “reciprocity writ large” (Murra 1982). he

scale of settlement represented by the omo- and

chen chen–style towns indicates that thousands of

tiwanaku settlers colonized the Moquegua region

for agropastoral production. yet the colonists’

prin-cipal economic partners appear to have been their

own parent communities in the altiplano. Most

productive and exchange relationships for labor,

produce, and other goods were articulated neither

through markets nor through a single centralized

command, but through a web of relationships that

were continually reproduced and reinforced through

social action. all the while, the tiwanaku colonies

retained their segmentation into at least two distinct

groups and probably a series of nested subgroups,

each with its own parent community counterpart

in the homeland and other resource zones. in some

lowland valleys like azapa and cochabamba with

dense indigenous agrarian populations and

well-developed political systems, resource allocation was

carefully negotiated with local populations across a

complex political landscape. in Moquegua, the sheer

scale of the tiwanaku presence indicates that each

tiwanaku corporate subunit sent its own diaspora

of colonists to establish productive reciprocal

part-ners to meet its own increasing demands for maize,

coca, and cotton for the parent communities in the

highlands. hese embedded exchange

relation-ships probably included both balanced reciprocity

for staple goods between partners of similar status,

and asymmetrical reciprocal relationships within

tiwanaku’s corporate groups between commoners

and their elite patrons for items of political

impor-tance, like maize and coca.

in the end, what do the data on provincial tiwa

-naku economy tell us about the Murra thesis, the

possibility of andean merchants, and the problem

of andean economic exceptionalism? First, the vast

majority of economic transactions in tiwanaku’s

extended communities were deeply embedded in

social relationships. Whether trade for labor,

ser-vices, staples, or even preciosities, most exchanges

took place between familiar parties who carefully

reckoned their social relationships and obligations,

rather than “rational” strangers who competed

according to utilitarian considerations of supply and

demand. certainly, some “higgling and haggling”

no doubt occurred, notably perhaps with

strang-ers ofering exotic items from beyond the social

boundaries of tiwanaku settlement. Perhaps some

exotic imports—such as ecuadorian

Spondylus

N O T E S

1 some archaeological critics discount Polanyi entirely for suggesting that the “great transforma-tion” to market relations occurred only with the advent of capitalism. rejecting the substantiv-ist contribution due to this overstatement would be akin to rejecting the archaeological adaptation of World systems heory to premodern societies because Wallerstein made a similar overstatement. 2 lupaqa colonies included up to several hundred

households (Murra 1972:443). lupaqa colonists maintained their privileges and obligations as members of speciic homeland communities. 3 in other regions, far smaller tiwanaku enclaves

settled amid indigenous majority traditions, as in the azapa Valley (dauelsberg 1985; goldstein 1996; Muñoz ovalle 1996; Muñoz ovalle and santos 1998; rivera diaz 1999; rivera 2002), the neighboring

chaca, camarones, and lluta Valleys of northern chile (santoro 1980), and the locumba, sama, and caplina Valleys of southern Peru (disselhof 1968; Flores espinoza 1969; lynch 1983; trimborn 1973; uhle 1919; Vela Velarde 1992). a similar pattern may hold for the valleys of the cochabamba region (anderson 2009; goldstein 1996, 2005; higueras 1996), but it is as yet diicult to detect migration streams or tiwanaku’s internal sociopolitical structure in these regions.

4 black polished ceramics were excavated by adolph bandelier in the cemeteries of ciriapata and titin-uayni on the island of the sun and the lakeside sites of Mocachi and copacabana, while the preva-lence of the continuous volute motif also suggests connections to lukurmata and the katari Valley (bermann 1994; goldstein 2005; Janusek 2003).

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