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160 CULTURE AND SOCIETY 1780-1950

Before theuprising of

modern

Socialism almostallin telligent people eitherwere, or professed themselves to be, quitecontented

with

thecivilizationofthis

cen

tury. Again, almost all of these really

were

thus

con

tented,

and saw

nothing to

do but

toperfect the said civilization

by

getting rid ofa

few

ridiculous survivals ofthe barbarousages.24*

(This, evidently, is Morris's

judgement

of the utilitarian liberals.)

To be

short, this

was

the

Whig frame

of

mind,

natural

to the

modern

prosperous middle-class

men, who,

in

fact, as far as

mechanical

progress is concerned,

have

nothingtoaskfor,ifonly Socialism

would

leave

them

aloneto enjoy their plentiful style.

But

besides these contented ones there

were

others

who were

notreally contented,

but had

a

vague

sentiment ofrepulsion to the

triumph

of civilization,

but were

coercedinto si

lence

by

themeasureless

power

of

Whiggery.

246

(Civilization,inthis lastsentence, is

used

in

a

Coleridgian sense,asalimited term. In the previoussentence,thelimit ing function of

mechanical

is also evident.

These

are the traditional terms.)

Lastly, there

were

a

few who were

in

open

rebellion against the said

Whiggery

a few, say two, Carlyle

and

Ruskin.

The

latter, before

my

days of practical socialism,

was my

master towards theideal.240

Thus

Morris

acknowledges both

thetradition

and

his

own

extension of it

He now

restatesthe

grounds

ofthe opposi tion to 'civilization':

Apart from

thedesire to

produce

beautiful things,the leading passion of

my Me

has

been and

is hatred of

modern

civilization. . . .

What

shall Isay concerning

its mastery of

and

its

waste

of

mechanical power,

its

commonwealth

so poor, its

enemies

of the

common

wealth

so rich, its

stupendous

organization for the miseryoflife!Its

contempt

ofsimplepleasures,

which

everyone

could enjoy

but

forits folly?Its eyeless vul-

ABT AND

SOCIETY l6l garity

which

has destroyed art, the

one

certain solace of labour? . . .

The

struggles of

mankind

for

many

ages

had produced

nothing

but

this sordid, aimless,

ugly

confusion; the

immediate

future

seemed

to

me

likely to intensify all the present evils

by sweeping away

the last survivals of the days before the dull squalorofcivilization

had

settled

down on

the world.

This

was a bad

look-outindeed, and,ifI

may mention

myselfas apersonality

and

notas a

mere

type, espe

ciallyso to a

man

of

my

disposition, careless of

meta

physics

and

religion, as well as of scientific analysis,

but with

a

deep

love ofthe earth

and

thelife

on

it,

and

a passionfor thehistory of the pastof

mankind.

Think

ofit!

Was

it all to

end

in

a

counting-house

on

the topofa cinder-heap,

with

Podsnap's

drawing-room

Intheoffing,

and

a

Whig committee

dealing out

cham pagne

to the rich

and margarine

to the

poor

in such convenient proportions as

would make

all

men con

tented together,

though

the pleasure ofthe eyes

was gone from

the world,

and

the placeof

Homer was

to

be

taken

by Huxley

.24d

This

kind

of opposition is

by now

very familiar,

and we

can

seeinitelementsof Carlyle,

Ruskin and

Pugin,

and

of the popularizationoftheseideas inDickens.

There

isalso, significantly,theanti-scientificelement: the

Romantic

prej

udice

that a

mechanical

civilization

had been

created

by a mechanical

science,

and

that science

was

attemptingto substitutefor art.

One would have

expected Morristo re

member,

as

he

elsewhere insisted, that theoffered substi tutefor art

was bad

art;

and

thatit

was

notscientific

en

quiry

(however

indifferent to it Morris

might

personally

be) but

the organization of

economic

life,

which had produced

the misery

and

thevulgarity.

Keeping

thispoint aside,

we

passto Morris'simportant

new

emphasis:

So

thereI

was

in for a finepessimistic

end

oflife, if it

had

not

somehow dawned on me

thatamidstallthis filth of civilization the seeds ofa great change,

what

we

others call Social-Revolution,

were

beginning to germinate. . . . (This) prevented

me,

luckier than

l62 CULTUBE AND

SOCIETY

1780-1950

many

others ofartisticperceptions,

from

crystallizing into a

mere

railer against 'progress*

on

the

one hand, and on

the other

from

wasting

time and energy

in

any

of the

numerous schemes by which

the quasi-artistic of the

middle

classes

hope

to

make

art

grow when

it

has

no

longer

any

root,

and

thus I

became

a practical Socialist. . . . Surely

any one who

professes to think that the question of art

and

cultivation

must go be

fore that of the knife

and

fork

(and

there are

some who do propose

that) does not

understand what

art

means,

or

how

thatitsroots

must have

asoilof a thriv ing

and

unanxiouslife.

Yet

it

must be remembered

that civilizationhas

reduced

the

workman

to

such

a skinny

and

pitiful existence, that

he

scarcely

knows how

to

frame

adesire for

any

life

much

betterthanthat

which he now

endures perforce. Itis the province of art to set the true ideal of

a

full

and

reasonable life before him, a life to

which

the perception

and

creation of beauty, the

enjoyment

of realpleasurethatis,shall

be

feltto

be

asnecessaryto

man

as his daily bread,

and

that

no man, and no

set of

men, can be

deprived of this except

by mere

opposition,

which

should

be

re sistedtothe utmost.25

The

social revolution, then,

was

to

be

the

answer

to the deadlock of the 'railers against progress'.

The

priority of 'cultivation* issetaside, interms that

remind one

of

Cob-

bett. Yet, unlike Cobbett, Morris uses the idea of culture, in particular inits

embodiment

inart,as a positivecriterion:

'thetrue ideal of

a

full

and

reasonable life*.

Like

Cobbett, Morris

would have

nothingsetasapriorityover the claims of

working men

to

an improvement

in their conditions;

but

unlikeCobbett,

who

set his objective interms ofa

remem bered

society, Morris, likeBlake or Raskin, sets his social objective intermsofthefulness oflife

which

art especially reveals.

Morris's principal opponent, in fact,

was

Arnold.

The word

'culture*,

because

it

was

associated in his

mind

witih Arnold'sconclusions,isusuallyroughly handled:

In thethirtyyearsduring

which

I

have known Oxford

ABT AKD

SOCIETY 163

more damage

has

been done

to art

(and

therefore to literature)

by Oxford

'culture'thancenturies of profes sors couldrepair for, indeed,it is irreparable.

These

coarsebrutalitiesof light

and

leading'

make

education stink inthenostrilsofthoughtfulpersons,

and ...

are

more

likely

than

isSocialismtodrive

some

ofus

mad.

...

I saythat toattempttoteachliterature

with one hand

whileitdestroys history

with

the otheris

a be

wilderingproceeding

on

the partof'culture'.26

The

pointofthis

was

Morris'soppositiontothe'moderniza tion'of Oxford:

I

wish

toaskif it istoolateto appealto the

mercy

of the 'Dons'to spare the

few

specimensofancient

town

architecture

which

they

have

not yet

had

timeto

de

stroy. . . .

Oxford

thirtyyears ago,

when

Ifirst

knew

it,

was

full of these treasures;

but Oxford

'culture', cynically

contemptuous

of the

knowledge which

it does not

know, and

steeped to the lips in the

com

mercialismofthe day, has

made

a clean

sweep

of

most

of

them.

27

As

so often,aparticular

argument

ishere entangled with

a much more

general judgement. Thisisverytypical of

Mor

ris's

method, which

is often

no more than

a kind of

gen

eralizedswearing.

Yet

the general

argument

isthere,

when he

troubles to controlit.

Oxford was

for

him a

test-case,

on

theissue

whether

culturecould

be

saved

from commercial ism by

isolatingit:

There

are ofthe English

middle

class,today. . .

men

of the highest aspirations

towards

Art,

and

of the strongestwill;

men who

are

most

deeply convincedof thenecessityto civilizationofsurrounding men's lives

with

beauty;

and many

lesser

men,

thousandsfor

what

I

know,

refined

and

cultivated,follow

them and

praise their opinions:

but both

the leaders

and

the led are incapableofsavingso

much

as half

a dozen commons

from

the grasp ofinexorable

Commerce:

they are as helpless in spite oftheir culture

and

theirgeniusas if they

were

justso

many overworked

shoemakers: less