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H. NEWMAN AND MATTHEW ARNOLD 12Q and we must not let the worship of any fetish, any

126 OCHLTUBE AND SOCIETY 1780-1950

J. H. NEWMAN AND MATTHEW ARNOLD 12Q and we must not let the worship of any fetish, any

machinery, such

asmanufacturesor

populationwhich

are not, likeperfection, absolute goods inthemselves,

though we

think

them

so create forus

such

amulti

tude

of miserable,

sunken and

ignorant

human

beings,

thattocarry

them

allalong

with

usis impossible,

and

perforcethey

must

forthe

most

part

be

left

by

us in

theirdegradation

and

wretchedness.23

The

positionis quiteclear,

and

itis evidently inlinewith the basiccriticismof Industrialism,

and with

thetraditional reaction tothe accumulating evidence ofpoverty

and

suf fering. Others

had argued

for a

new

national education,

but none with

theauthority oreffectofArnold.

Those who

accuse

him

of a policy of "cultivated inaction* forget not onlyhis

arguments but

hislife.

As an

Inspector of schools,

and

independently,hiseffortto establish

a

systemof general

and humane

education

was

intense

and

sustained.

There

is

nothing

ofthe

dandy

in Arnold's fight against thevicious

mechanism

of the Revised

Code. On

a

number

of similar educational matters of greatimportance

he showed a

fine capacity for detailed application of principles that in his theoreticalwritings areoften

open

toa chargeofvagueness.

Culture

and

Anarchy, infact,

needs

to

be

read alongside thereports, minutes, evidenceto commissions

and

specifi callyeducationalessays

which made up

so large

a

part of Arnold's

working

life.

When we have

said this,

we may have

rescued

Arnold from

a

common and

insupportablecharge,but

we have

not finally construed either his significance orhis effect.

The most

interestingpointtoconsiderishis

recommendation

of the Stateasthe agentof generalperfection. Here, inpart,

he

isfollowing the ideas,

and

the language, ofBurke.

He

speaks, characteristically, of

ways which

arenaturally alluring tothefeet of

democ

racy,

though

inthiscountry theyarenovel

and

untried

ways.

I

may

call

them

the

ways

ofJacobinism. Violent indignation

with

thepast, abstractsystems ofrenova tion applied wholesale, a

new

doctrine

drawn up

in black

and white

for elaborating

down

to the very

13O

CULTtJKE

AND

SOCIETY

1780-1950

smallestdetails a rational society forthefuture these are the

ways

ofJacobinism.24

1 may

call

them

the

ways

of Jacobinism' (they

had been

called this for three-quarters of a century). In

any

event,

we

are

now

well

used

to this kindof criticism as typical of the oppositionto'State

7

power.

In Arnold,as inBurke,this is notthe conjunction; the

argument

against 'State'

power

depends, nearly always,

on who

isthe'State'. Arnold's

po

sitionisthat ofBurke:

He who gave

our natureto

be

perfected

by

ourvirtue willed also the necessary

means

ofits perfection:

He

willed thereforetheState.25

Arnold,similarly,

imagined

theStateasthe 'centre of light

and

authority', the organ of the 'best self.

But how,

in practical terms,

was

thiscentreto

be composed? Burke had

accepted theexistingrulingclass as,

though

imperfect, the natural 'centre of light

and

authority'. Arnold,

though he

lookedat

each

class in turn,couldfind

none which seemed

to

him

at allqualified for so

high

a duty.

The

aristocracy (Barbarians) were, as a class, useless, because their char acteristicvirtues

were

those created

by

thebusiness of

de

fending the status quo. Their very vigour in this defence

made them

inaccessible to thefree playof

new

ideas,

on which

light

and

authority'

must depend. The middle

classes (Philistines)

were

also useless,

because

of their at

tachment

to

an

externalcivilization.Theirfaith in'machin ery' (Wealth, Industry, Production, Progress)

and

in in dividual successdenied,respectively,the ^harmonious*

and

the'general*pursuit of perfection.

As

forthe

working

classes (Populace), they eithershared

with

the

middle

classesthe

attachment

to externalcivilization,

wishing

onlyto

become

Philistine as quickly aspossible; or else they

were merely degraded and

brutal, therepository ofdarknessrather

than

oflight.

Others

might

seeallthis,

and

consequentlyfearthe idea of State

power, which

could only

be

the

embodiment

ofthe interest of

one

or other ofthese classes.

And

if this

were

J. H.

NEWMAN AND MATTHEW

AKNO3LD 131

indeed

true, could the State, in practical terms,

be

con sideredas

a

likely"centre oflight

and

authority'at all?

But how

toorganizethisauthority, or to

what hands

to entrust the wielding of it?

How

to get your State,

summing up

theright reason ofthe

community, and

givingeffecttoit, ascircumstances

may

require,

with

vigour?

And

hereIthinkIsee

my

enemies waitingfor

me with a hungry

joy in their eyes.

But

I shallelude them.26

He saw

his

enemies

waiting indeed;

and we

too,

who

are nothisenemies,stillwait,

and

arestill,inasense,hungry.

One

is glad to seeArnold eluding the nineteenth-century pack; ortosee

him

enjoying the thoughtofdoingso,

even

if the glint has a certain ridiculous effect

The

problem,

however, remained

a

most

difficultone.

The

existing social classes,the ordinary candidatesforpower,

were

in Arnold's

view

inadequateforitsproperexercise.

The

political

con

flict

was merely a

deadlockoftheirimperfections.

For

these reasons aState

was

needed, as

an

adequate

and

transcend ing organ.

The

classes

were

the

embodiment

ofour ordinary selves; to

embody

ourbestself

we must

create

a

State.

But by what means, and

through

what

persons? Arnold's

an swer depends on what he

called the 'remnant'. In each class,

he

argued, thereexisted, alongsidethecharacteristic majority,

a

minority, a

number

of 'aliens',

who were

not disabled

by

the ordinarynotions

and

habits of their class:

persons

who

are mainly led, not

by

their classspirit,

but by

a general

humane

spirit,

by

thelove of

human

perfection.27

In

such

persons the'best selfis active,

and

they

can

try, ina

number

ofways,to

awaken

theT>estselfthatislatent in all

men but

is obscured

by

the inadequacies of class ideology

and

habit.

The means

of

awakening wil

include education, poetry

and

criticism.

Education

willbase itself

on

'thebestthathas

been

thought

and

writtenintheworld'.

By

extending

and communicating

this record of die *best

self' of

humanity

itwillcreate

an adequate

general

knowl

edge and a

standardofeffective thinking. Poetry, asa dis-