alone as predicates (Kageyama 2009). Moreover, as shown in (13a), a wide variety of categories can come before the V head in compound verbs, such as N innami-utu
‘wave, beat fast’, V in nagare-otiru ‘flow down’, and Adv in saki-basiru ‘be im- pertinent’, and as seen in (14a), a variety of categories can also appear before the A head in compound adjectives, such as N inhara-guroi‘black-hearted’, A (stem) in hoso-nagai‘long and slender’, and V (inf.) inmusi-atui‘sultry’. This word formation pattern seen in compound verbs and compound adjectives has been characteristic of Japanese since the time of Old Japanese (Sakakura 1966). Compound verbs of the pattern N-V will be discussed in Chapter 7 (Kageyama, this volume), the V-V pattern in Chapter 8 (Kageyama, this volume), and compound nouns will be covered in Chapter 9 (Yumoto, this volume).
categories, but whether or not they are really category-changing prefixes will be examined in Chapter 6 (Namiki and Kageyama, this volume).
Among the important prefixes areo-and go-, which form honorifics, humbles and beautifics. In principle, these do not attach to mimetics or foreign words and overwhelminglyo-attaches towagoandgo-tokango. This distinction is particularly clear when forming honorific forms of VNs. In the examples of (16), verbal bases, shown in boldface, are sandwiched by the honorific prefixo-orgo- and the honorific light verbnasaru‘do’.
(16) a. Native:{o/*go}-dekakenasaru‘go out’
b. Sino-Japanese:{go/*o}-syuppatunasaru‘leave’ c. Foreign:{*o/*go}-sutaatonasaru‘start’ d. Mimetic:{*o/*go}-urouronasaru‘hang around’
However, attachment to form beautifics of nouns is not as consistent.
(17) a. Native:{o/*go}-sake‘Japanesesake’,{o/*go}-tegami‘letter’ b. Sino-Japanese:{go/*o}-syu‘Japanesesake’,{o/*go}-tya‘tea’,
{o/*go}-soozi‘cleaning’
c. Foreign:{o/*go}-toire‘toilet’,{*o/*go}-wain‘wine’ Next, there are the following kinds of suffixes.
(18) a. Native suffixes:kanasi-sa[sad-SUF]‘sadness’,atu-mi[thick-SUF]
‘thickness’,haru-mek(u)[spring-SUF]‘get springlike’,kodomo-ppo(i) [child-SUF]‘childish’,otoko-rasi(i)[man-SUF]‘manly’,sabisi-ge
[lonely-SUF]‘look lonely’,gura-tuk(u)[loose-SUF]‘get loose’,darasi-na(i) [tidiness-SUF]‘slovenly’
b. Sino-Japanese suffixes:eiga-ka[movie-SUF]‘make into a movie’, sekai-teki[world-SUF]‘world-wide’,arukari-sei[alkali-SUF]‘alkaline’, roodoo-sya[labor-SUF]‘laborer’,doitu-zin[Germany-SUF]‘German people’,nihon-huu[Japan-SUF]‘Japanese style’,takusii-dai[taxi-SUF]
‘taxi fare’
c. Foreign suffixes:manga-tikku[manga-tique]‘comical’,kinniku-man [muscle-man]‘Kinnikuman’,Waseda-izumu[Waseda-ism],basuto-appu [bust-up]‘breast enlargement’,puraisu-daun[price-down]‘discount’ d. Mimetic suffixes:huto-ttyo[fat-SUF]‘fatty’,gaki-ntyo[kid-SUF]‘brat’ Very few suffixes belong to the mimetic stratum as in (18d).
There are many suffixes that create derived words in the wago stratum. For example, thewagoadjective-making suffix-si(i)attaches to a reduplicated morpheme making such words ashanabana-si(i)‘magnificent’,uiui-si(i)‘innocent’,wakawaka- si(i) ‘youthful’, meme-si(i) ‘effeminate’, and yowayowa-si(i) ‘frail, feminine’. The negative suffix -na(i) forms such adjectives as egetu-na(i) ‘nasty’, tumara-na(i)
‘boring’,obotuka-na(i)doubtful’,sokke-na(i)‘curt’,kokoro-na(i)‘inconsiderate’, and zyosai-na(i) ‘tactful’, but in many cases, the form to which it attaches is not an independent word in contemporary Japanese. Among suffixes making verbs is -bur(u)which attaches to nouns and adjectives as inyoiko-bur(u)‘be a goody two- shoes’,otona-bur(u)‘put on adult airs’,waka-bur(u)‘try to act young’, andera-bur(u)
‘act important, put on airs’. The suffix -tuk(u) makes verbs quite productively, as in muka-tuk(u) ‘become irritated’, ira-tuk(u) ‘become impatient’, uwa-tuk(u) ‘be frivolous’,bura-tuk(u)‘hang around’, andgura-tuk(u)‘be unsteady’, but the base to which it attaches is limited to the mimetic stratum and in many cases the“mimetic + tuk(u)” co-exists with a form in which the mimetic is in its reduplicated form followed bysuru, as shown inmukamuka-su(ru)‘be irritated, feel sick’,iraira-su(ru)
‘be irritated’,burabura-su(ru)‘hang around, loiter’, andguragura-su(ru)‘be unsteady’. However, the-tuk(u) verbs and the reduplicatedsu(ru) verbs have different lexical aspectual properties, the former being momentaneous and the latter durative.
As a suffix that creates innovative denominal verbs, there is -r. This suffix attaches to foreign words and mimetics to allow them to function as verbs, but it appears that it once also attached towagoin older Japanese as inkubi-r-u‘kill by choking the neck (kubi ‘neck’) and kumo-r-u ‘cloud up (kumo ‘cloud’) (Sakakura 1966).
(19) a. Native:kage‘shadow’→[kage-r]-u‘become cloudy’,yazi(man’s name)→ [yazi-r]-u‘boo, jeer’
b. Foreign:demo‘demonstration’→[demo-r]-u‘stage a demonstration’,kopii
‘copy’→[kopi-r]-u‘make a copy, imitate’
c. Sino-Japanese:ziko‘accident’→[ziko-r]-u‘cause an accident’,kokuhaku
‘confession’→[koku-r]-u‘confess one’s love’ d. Mimetic:[guzu-r]-u‘fret’,[paku-r]-u‘pick, steal’
The case of-rattaching to awagoas in the examples of (19a) is extremely unproduc- tive now. Rarely it attaches to the name of someone famous to describe some action that person famously took, asegawa-r-u‘to carry out one’s wishes forcibly without paying heed to others’, which was coined in 1979 after an incident involving a base- ball player named Egawa. Such coinages are colloquial and transient. Attached to foreign words or mimetics-ris fairly productive, but is limited to colloquial or vulgar language.
Vocabulary strata and word formation processes 37
In the examples of (19), it initially looks as if-ruis attached to a noun (e.g.demo shortened from“demonstration”) turning it into a verb (Miyake 2010; Irwin 2011).
However, two morphemes are actually involved; the verbalizing suffix is just-r (cf.
Tsujimura and Davis 2011) and the-u is a variant of the non-past tense inflection (as shown in Table 3, the non-past-ru appears after vowel-final verb stems but is realized as -u after consonant-final stems). This fact is clear from the inflectional forms, as shown in (20).
(20) a. Present:demor-u←[V[Ndemo]-r]-u
b. Past:demot-ta←[V[Ndemo]-r]-ta (regressive assimilation of [r] to [t]) c. Present negative:demor-anai←[V[Ndemo]-r]-anai
d. Gerundive:demot-te←[V[Ndemo]-r]-te(regressive assimilation of [r] to [t]) In (20) the underlying forms are on the right side of the arrow and the actual phonetic forms are on the left. If the verbdemoruwere composed by adding-ruto the noundemo, the past tense should be either*demoru-ta or *demo-ta, but those forms do not exist. Since the correct past tense form is demotta as in (20b), the stem of the verb must consist of the noundemowith-rattached, i.e., [V[Ndemo]-r].
With kango it is often difficult to tell if there is a compounding element or a suffix. Nomura (1978: 104) gives the examples oftokubetu-si ‘special city’, mui-son
‘village with no doctor’,heikin-ten‘average value’, andhensa-ti‘deviation’. Thesiof tokubetu-siand thesonofmui-sonare also found in the left position of compounds, as in si-yakusyo ‘municipal offices’ and son-tyoo ‘village chief’, so it is probably possible to regard tokubetu-si and mui-son as compounds. Comparing heikin-ten and hensa-ti, however, since the ten ‘points’ of heikin-ten can be used alone, the word can be considered a compound, buttidoes not stand alone and it almost never occurs other than in the last position, as insuu-ti‘numerical value’,zettai-ti
‘absolute value’, andsaidai-ti‘maximum value’, so it can be taken as a suffix. (The word ti-iki ‘range (of a function)’ is a specialized mathematics term.) Looking at what vocabulary strata a one-character kango can co-occur with, if it can have kango,wago, and foreign words all before it, it can probably be considered a suffix.
The reason is that there is a general rule that, when the last element in a compound is a one-characterkango, the preceding element must also be akango.
(21) a. -teki‘-like’: [S.-J.]huhen-teki‘universal’, [Native]watakusi-teki‘in my view’, [Foreign]huransu-teki‘French style’
b. -ryoo‘charge’: [S.-J.]zyugyoo-ryoo‘tuition fee’, [Native]hurikomi-ryoo
‘bank transfer fee’, [Foreign]arubaito-ryoo‘part-time salary’ c. -ti‘value’: [S.-J.]heikin-ti‘average value’, [Native]sikii-ti‘threshold’,
[Foreign]buuru-ti‘Boolean value’
The-teki,-ryoo, and-tiin (21) can all be considered suffixes.