however, as shown in (30), these compounds cannot form a tensed verb through the affixation ofsuru.
(30) a. *総理主催したパーティ *soori-syusai sita paatii
‘the party the prime minister hosted’
b. *学長主導した大学改革*gakutyoo-syudoo sita daigaku-kaikaku
‘the university reform the university president led’
That is,soori-syusaiandgakutyoo-syudooare not VNs after all, but, as shown in (29) are a kind of adjective-like noun that carries the function of modifying the following noun (paatii‘party’ordaigaku-kakumei‘university reform’). This type of compound is not limited to four-character S-J words, but is widely used (see Chapter 7 [Kageyama, this volume]).
The four-character S-J words in (27b) are composed of two VNs. Since tuukin- tuugaku means tuukin ‘commute to work’ and tuugaku ‘commute to school’ and can be considered to have a coordinate structure, from the point of view of identify- ing the semantic head, it can be taken as having a dual-head structure. Cases like 暴飲暴食 booin-boosyoku, meaning booin ‘heavy drinking’ and boosyoku ‘heavy eating’, and連携協力 renkei-kyooryoku, meaningrenkei‘coordinate’andkyooryoku
‘cooperate’, can also be analyzed as having coordinate structures. However, not all four-character S-J VNs composed of two VNs have a coordinate (i.e. dual-head) structure. Reitoo-hozon and zyutyuu-seisan given in (27b) can be paraphrased as reitoo site hozon suru‘preserve by freezing’andzyutyuu site seisan suru‘manufacture after receiving orders’, respectively, and so the second constituents are clearly the semantic heads.
Finally, in the four-character S-J words of the type in (27c), thefirst constituents have either adjunct-like or adverbial meanings and serve to modify the second con- stituent VNs as demonstrated by the fact that, for example,sihi-ryuugaku‘self-financed study abroad’can be restated as sihi de ryuugaku (suru) ‘study abroad on private funds’, koosoku-kaiten as koosoku de kaiten (suru) ‘revolve at a high speed’, and kanzen-tettai as kanzen ni tettai (suru) ‘withdraw completely’. Furthermore, the whole four-character S-J word is a VN as are the second constituents. From these facts, it is clear that the second constituents are heads both semantically and categorically.
To conclude, except for a small number of VNs with a coordinate structure, four- character S-J VNs all have a right-hand head structure.
mined by the VN. In contrast, when the four-character S-J VN is composed of two VNs, there is a question as to which determines the arguments. Two possibilities can be thought of. First, using 体験-入部 taiken-nyuubu ‘trial membership in a club’as an example, the left VNtaiken‘experience’takes an accusative object when used as an independent VN, as in (31a), while the right VNnyuubu‘join a club’takes a dative complement when used independently, as in (31b).
(31) a. Musuko ga zyuudoo-bu {o/*ni} taiken si-ta.
son NOM judo-club {ACC/*DAT} experience do-PST
‘My son tried the judo club out.’
b. Musuko ga zyuudoo-bu {ni/*o} nyuubu si-ta.
son NOM judo-club {DAT/*ACC} enter.club do-PST
‘My son joined the judo club.’
As shown in (32), though,taiken-nyuubu‘trial membership in a club’can only take a dative complement.
(32) Musuko ga zyuudoo-bu {ni/*o} taiken-nyuubu si-ta.
son NOM judo-club {DAT/*ACC} trial.membership.in.a.club do-PST
‘My son joined the judo club on a trial basis.’
Thus, it is the second constituent, nyuubu ‘join a club’, that determines the case marking in (32). Four-character S-J words that havenyuubu as a second constituent all function as VNs taking-suru ‘do’ whether or not the first constituent can take -suru(is a VN), as shown by a comparison oftaiken-nyuubu (suru), thefirst constitu- ent of which does take-suru (taiken-suru‘experience’) and 時-入部 (する) itizi
‘temporary’ – nyuubu ‘join a club’, the first constituent of which does not (*itizi- suru). In this type of four-character S-J VN, then, it is the second constituent that is the head of the whole VN and which determines its syntactic category and, in an example like (32), it is the right-hand headnyuubuthat determines the case marking.
Fundamentally, it is the head VN that determines argument selection, but there are also cases in which the four-character S-J VN as a whole inherits the arguments of the non-head (i.e. left-hand) VN. For example,syutuba-hyoomei‘announce one’s candidacy’takes a dative complement, as in (33).
(33) Zaimu-daizin ga soosai-senkyo {ni/*o} syutuba-hyoomei Finance-minister NOM party.chief-election {DAT/*ACC} candidacy-announce si-ta.
do-PST
‘The Minister of Finance announced his candidacy for party president.’
In contrast,syutubaand hyoomeiused as independent VNs take the case marking shown in (34).
(34) a. Zaimu-daizin ga soosai-senkyo {ni/*o} syutuba si-ta.
Finance-minister NOM party.chief-election {DAT/*ACC} candidacy do-PST
‘The Minister of Finance became a candidate for party president.’ b. Zaimu-daizin ga {syutuba/*soosai-senkyo} o
Finance-minister NOM {candidacy/*party.chief-election} ACC hyoomei si-ta.
announce do-PST
‘The Minister of Finance announced his {candidacy/*the election for party president}.’
Thatsyutuba‘become a candidate’takes a dative complement and not an accusative object is shown by (34a). On the other hand, as shown in (34b),hyoomei‘announce’ takes an accusative object. Since the case marking assigned by the four-character S-J VNsyutuba-hyoomeias a whole is dative, as shown in (33), this case marking must come not from the headhyoomei, but from the non-headsyutuba. Not only that, but the nounsoosai-senkyoappearing as the dative argument of the four-character S-J syutuba-hyoomei as a whole is identical to the noun taken as an argument by syutuba alone in (34a). In a case like that of syutuba-hyoomei, since both con- stituents syutuba and hyoomei are VNs it is impossible to determine which is the head that determines the category of the four-character S-J word as a whole, but in a case likesyosin-hyoomei (suru)[opinion-announcement (do)]‘statement of convic- tion’, since an expression like *syosin-suru‘opinion-do’is not possible, it is clear that in four-character S-J words with hyoomeias the second constituent, it is the right- hand VN hyoomei that functions as the head to determine the syntactic category (VN) for the word as a whole. Thus, it is clear that the argumentsoosai-senkyoin (33) is inherited from the non-head constituentsyutuba.
Why is an argument inherited not from the head but from a non-head? What is crucial is that in the four-character S-J wordsyutuba-hyoomei, the non-headsyutuba corresponds to the object of the headhyoomei(cf.syutuba o hyoomei (suru)[candi- dacy ACC announce (do)]‘announce one’s candidacy’) and the demand ofhyoomei for an accusative object is satisfied within the four-character S-J word. In contrast to this, sincesyutuba takes arguments as a VN in its own right, as in (34a), when it becomes an internal constituent within a four-character S-J VN, it becomes necessary for its argument to be realized in the sentence. It is in this way that an argument can be inherited from a non-head. Inheriting an argument from a non-head is also observed with native words, as discussed in Chapter 14 (Kageyama, this volume).
Sino-Japanese words 121
6 Sino-Japanese a ffi xes
The concept of“Sino-Japanese affixes”in Japanese was clearly specified as a word- level unit in the section titled“Gohōshinan”(Instruction in grammar) printed in the introduction toŌTSUKI Fumihiko’s Genkai(1882), the first dictionary of Japanese.
In addition to eight parts of speech, there were listedsettōgo (prefix words) and setsubigo (suffix words) within each of which several Sino-Japanese prefixes and suffixes were listed in addition to native words. This section will consider as S-J affixes primarily single character S-J affixes that attach to two-character S-J words.
It is important to note, however, that many S-J affixes are not limited in use to Sino- Japanese words but also attach to native and foreign bases as well. This point was already shown in Table 6, and additional examples are given below in (35).
(35) a. [Pref. + S-J base]最下位 sai-kai[most-low.rank]‘the lowest rank’ [Pref. + Foreign base]全ヨーロッパ zen-yooroppa[whole-Europe]
‘the whole Europe’
[Pref. + Native base]再貸し出し sai-kasidasi[again-lend]‘lend out again’ b. [S-J base + Suf.]改革派kaikaku-ha[reform-faction]‘reformist faction’
[Foreign base + Suf.]カナダ人 Kanada-zin[Canada-person]‘Canadian’
[Native base + Suf.]田舎風 inaka-huu[country-style]‘rustic’
This section willfirst examine the semantic characteristics of S-J affixes in Section 6.1 and then discuss their morphological characteristics in Section 6.2.