Chapter II Review of Related Literature
B. Some Partient Ideas
2. Concept of Dialect
Definition of Dialect According to the Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary, a dialect is a variant of a language that is spoken in a particular place and may differ in grammar, vocabulary, and pronunciation from other varieties of the same language. The word
"dialect" is widely used to refer to what are thought to be subvarieties of a single language. A dialect is a subset of a language that is notably spoken by members of a certain social class in a given region (social dialect).
According to Jackson and Peter (2011), Dialect is concerned with the structural constituents of speakers' languages: the specific words used, distinctive syntactic constructs, and diverse ways of expressing negatives, plurals, and tense. A dialect is a subset of a language that is notably spoken by members of a certain social class in a given region (social dialect).
Due to the tight relationship between dialect and accent, given the definition above, dialects and accents may finally be clearly separated.
Mayerhoff (2006) defines dialect as "the diversity of vocabulary, syntax, and pronunciation." Accents differ solely in their pronunciation. Dialect is a term that refers to distinguishing aspects of pronunciation, vocabulary, and sentence structure.
Edward (2009), another linguist described dialect as a subset of a language that is distinctive in three ways: vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation (accent). He claims that dialects are also mutually intelligible since they are dialects of the same language. Indeed, dialect is heavily reliant on language. Other dialects that are mutually incomprehensible include those spoken by Dutch and German people, who are unable to converse in the same language. Other examples are Mandarin and Cantonese, Thai and Lao, Hindi and Urdu, and Serbian and Croatian.
While English speakers have never truly adopted patois as a word for language, Hauge argues that they have sought to employ language
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and dialect in a number of conflicting ways. The word "dialogue" refers to both regional dialects of English, such as Yorkshire dialect, and to many styles of casual, lower-class, or rural speaking. ‘ Thus, it is debatable whether such dialects constitute a "language" in public usage.
Indeed, dialects are occasionally thought to exist independently of the language.
b. Kinds of Dialect
According to Wardhaugh (2006), dialect is primarily divided into two branches:
1) Regional Accent
Regional dialects are geographically specific. It refers to a dialect that differs according to geography. Distinctions can be identified based on tone, word choice, and syntax. The term dialect should not be confused with the term accents, particularly when used to regional variation; for example, basic English is spoken in a variety of accents. North America, Singapore, India, Liverpool (Scouse), Tyneside (Geordie), Baston, and New York all have their own accents.
2) Social Dialect
A sociolect or social dialect is a dialect or register of language that is associated with a specific social group, such as a socioeconomic class, an ethnic group (officially referred to
as ethnolect), or an age group. Sociolects encompass both passive acquisition of particular communication practices through membership in a local community and active learning and choosing of speech or writing styles to signal group affiliation.
Sociolect, as defined by eminent sociolinguist and philosopher Peter Trudgill, is "a variant related with the speakers' social background rather than their geographical origin." This notion of sociolect evolved from Dialectology, the study of diverse dialects in relation to social society, which has existed in areas such as England for many years but has gotten less attention until lately. Unlike dialect, the core concept of sociolect is that an individual speaks in accordance with their social group, independent of ethnic background, age, or gender. According to William Labov, "the sociolinguistic approach is that we are trained to learn to speak in ways that adhere to our communities' general pattern." Hence, our environment, in conjunction with our surroundings, influences how we speak, and thus our actions and relationships.
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c. Relationship Between Language and Dialect
Ellis (1997) distinguishes the terms language and dialect as follows: Dialect is the bottom component of a language, whereas language is the top portion; thus, Texas English and Swiss German are dialects of English and German, respectively.
Certain languages have several dialects; for instance, English is spoken in numerous dialects. Language and dialect may be synonymous if the language is spoken by a limited number of people and has just one variety, however some experts claim that dialect and language cannot be synonymous since the prerequisites for the lower half are not satisfied. Dialects such as A, B, C, and so on are included in language X because they are spoken by multiple dialects such as A, B, and C.
Furthermore, Edward (2009) defines dialect as a subdivision of a language that differs in three dimensions: lexicon, grammar, and pronunciation (accent).
The language's bottom section is dialect, whereas the majority of the language is language. Language and dialect may be synonymous if the language is spoken by a limited number of people and has just one variety, however some experts claim that dialect and language cannot be synonymous since the prerequisites for the lower half are not satisfied. Furthermore, Edward (2009) defines dialect as a subdivision of a language that differs in three dimensions: lexicon, grammar, and pronunciation (accent). There is no question that a vast number of
people speak the same language. They may be Chinese, Japanese, or Korean, for example, and they communicate in their native tongue.
Chinese, Japanese, and Korean are the three languages. That is all; the terms "language" and "ethnicity" are almost interchangeable (Coulmas, 1999).
Language diversity is a term that refers to the many dialects of language that are influenced by social influences. Language varies by area, by social group, by individual, and by context. These real changes result in linguistic variations. According to Bell, these factors can be used to differentiate between different languages.
d. Selayarese Dialect (Tanete)
This research studies Selayar Language (Selayarese) on Selayar Island, one of the Makassar-group languages spoken in South Sulawesi Province. Until date, there has been debate regarding Selayarese's linguistic status. While some academics classify Selayarese as a dialect of Makassarese, others assert that it is a distinct, independent language.
The Selayar tribe has its own language, dubbed the Selayar language.
According to Mahsun (2005), dialectological research aims to make a description of dialectal or sub dialectal differences at the phonological level. The objective of this research is to make a description of the differences in the realization of the sound contained within the observation areas when expressing certain meanings in some languages, specifically those whose phonemic correspondence will be studied.
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Selayar is closely similar to the dialect of Makassar. Although Selayar is distinct from Makassar and Bugis. Although Selayar has certain vocabulary with Makassar and Bugis, the pronunciation and intonation are somewhat distinct. The Selayar language is known to be related to the Coastal Konjo language spoken in South Sulawesi's Bulukumba Regency.
Different dialects exists in Selayar , and in all areas of spoken Selayar. There are dialects for each region, in fact. The dialects of the Selayar language are as follows Tanete Silajara and Palemba Silajara.
these two dialects mostly have similarity in terms of language but what make it different is intonation and stressing. Also there some words that different.
Example:
˅Where ˄will ˄you ˄go?
Tanete Silajara:
la˅ maeki˄ riapa˄? palemba silajara la˄ nte˅ maeki be˄?
e. Word Stress of Selayarese Dialect
In Selayarese, one of the Makassar languages spoken in South Sulawesi, Indonesia, the presence of epenthetic vowels may alter the fairly general pattern of penultimate stress. This disruption has been addressed for in a serial derivation by arranging epenthesis after stress assignment (Basri 1986), and in strictly parallel OT by a constraint prohibiting the use of epenthetic material in the head foot of a prosodic word. These two techniques are equal in terms of empirical coverage of native vocabulary. Stress is often placed before the final syllable in monomorphemic words, regardless of their syllable structure:
samp’ulo : ‘ten’
pal’ola: ‘eggplant’
bal’ika: ‘chest’
kalih’ara: ‘ant’
kalum’anti: ‘big black ant’
This pattern of stress can be interpreted as a predilection for a bisyllabic, trochaic foot at the word's right edge. The foot's bisyllabic character corresponds to the smallest possible word size; all main category words have at least two syllables. There are two types of exceptions to penultimate stress. To begin, some suffixal clitics are argued to be outside the stress domain and hence outside the prosodic word by Finer (1999). Second, a number of monomorphemic words
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with antepenultimate stress have been studied and determined to have a final epenthetic vowel:
s’ahala /sahala/ : ‘profit’
sah’ala /sahala/: ‘sea cucumber’
l’ambere /lambere/: ‘long’
s’ussulu /sussulu/: ‘burn’
p’arisi /paris/: ‘painful’
The comparison of (1a) sahála'sea cucumber' and (3a) sáhala 'profit' demonstrates that surface structure alone cannot accurately predict stress. All morphemes with antepenultimate stress, however, have some characteristics. To begin, they all terminate in a vowel that is preceded by one of the following: /r/, /l/, or /s/, none of which are acceptable codas in this language. The vowel immediately succeeding /r,l,s/ is similar to the previous vowel, implying that the final vowel represents a process of insertion of a copy of the adjacent vowel in order to syllabify stem-final /r,l,s/ as an onset. The fact that final vowels of stems with antepenultimate stress confirms this theory.
f. Intonation of Selayarese Dialect
Selayarese dialect mostly have risen up tone (Basri, 1986). When hearing selayar people it will sound like anger. even if it’s not a
question the sound will be still rise up. there is some case it will fall up but most of rise up.
Here is the example of selayarese intonation (Sukmawaty, 2018):
A: maimmu˄ mu˄ kikisi˄ tampa’ mu˄ pindu ˄siang˄? (Have ˄ you ˄enclosed˄ your ˄property, ˄ pindu siang˄?
B: u, ˄ I badulu˄ ku ˅ suro ˅anjama˅. Rua˄ ngallo˄ juwa maiimmu, pindu˅.
(I˄ just˄ requested assistance˅ from ˅Badulu, and˄ it˄ was˄ only˄ for˄ two˄ days˄ labor, ˄Pindu.)
A: ulung˄ ku˄ sampa pa’risi˄ Ti’no˄. (My˄ head is˄ constantly˄ aching˄, ˅Ti'no)
B: I sitti amang˄ maingi˄ antama˄ ri balla garring˄ bede˄? (Sitti˅ amang˄ has˄ been˄ hospitalized, ˄ right?)
A: u gele pa kominang˄ mange˄ ri saponna˄? (Yes˅, have˄ you˄ not˄ paid˄ her˅ a˅ visit˅?
A: Baji’ mu lungang Ta Opu?Ditte, Maing mukianrio?
(˅Is your pillow˄ all˄ right˄ now, ˅Opu? Have˄ you˄ bathed˄?) B: kaungura˄ sa˄llo˄ konjo˄ kolau’˄?
(How˄ come ˄you stayed˄ so ˅long ˅there?) A: sallo kang˄ accari’˄ carita˄
(We˅ spent˄ time˄ conversing˄)
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