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SUMMARY OBSERVATIONS

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C. Regulatory Impacts and Program Fluidity

V. SUMMARY OBSERVATIONS

We initiated this exploration with a simple question Do national actions im- pacting on state administrative agencies contribute to policy fluidity or turbulence within the agencies'7 We pursued the query both conceptually and empirically

From a conceptual standpoint, state agencies (and their administrative heads) were positioned in both their intergovernmental and mtragovernmental contexts Intergovernmentally, state government was posited as a vertical plane with extensive state-national, state-local, and interstate relations In presenting a verbal (and visual) model of interjurisdictional interactions we relied on the con- cepts of federalism (FED), intergovernmental relations (IGR), and mtergovern-

Intergovernmental Interdependences 61 mental management (IGM). These concepts underlay distinctions among three types of public officials operating intragovernmentally within the plane of state governance—PEGs (elected generalists), AAGs (appointed generalists), and PPPs (policy professionals). The three types of officials were also acknowledged as active in the intergovernmental arena.

This conceptual approach guided the empirical analysis, which relied on seven ASAP data sets covering 30 years of mail questionnaire surveys of state agency heads. The four most recent surveys (1978-1994) provided the data bases to identify consistent patterns and trends and to look for confirmation (or rejec- tion) of the hypothesis that national actions are linked to state agency policy change.

State agency policy change, referenced as fluidity or turbulence, was mea- sured by asking the agency heads the extent of change in program and policy priorities over the prior four-year period. Two major types of instruments of national impacts on the states were measured: federal aid, and national legal/

regulatory actions.

Federal aid is a historic, significant, and extensively employed method of intergovernmental collaboration. It is the hallmark instrument of "cooperative federalism." National legal/regulatory methods impacting the states have gener- ated considerable attention and debate over the past two decades. Extensive use of these instruments of intergovernmental relations has earned the dubious appel- lation, "coercive federalism."

We charted several trends from the 1960s to the 1990s in three main fea- tures of federal aid—dependency, diversity, and complexity. National presence and impacts through federal aid escalated rapidly from the 1960s to the 1970s.

Since the 1970s, however, the general features and several specific characteristics of federal aid to state agencies have remained remarkably stable. One interpreta- tion of this stability is that federal aid programs, policies, and patterns are largely insulated from the prominent political rhetoric and blunt political efforts aimed at macro- as well as microsystem changes in intergovernmental fiscal relations.

Our test of the hypothesis linking federal aid to state agency policy fluidity broadly paralleled the insulation interpretation. We found only modest or frag- mentary evidence of correlations between federal aid features and agency policy fluidity. Only among the relatively few state agencies with the highest levels of federal aid dependency did we find higher levels of policy fluidity. Even here, however, the association was not strong and definitive.

An auxiliary but noteworthy finding accompanied the results of the aid- fluidity analysis. Our hypothesis testing uncovered the strong functional fragmen- tation forces that characterize the nature of state-level public administration. We observed that for all practical purposes, the executive branch (singular) is a non- existent entity in state government. Rather, state administration is composed of agencies analogous to corporate holding companies. These findings and interpre-

62 Wright and Cho tations are hardly new or original (Alien, 1949; Fesier, 1955, 1967; Ransone, 1956; Weinberg, 1977). Furthermore, there are recent offsetting developments and trends that lend greater coherence to state administration than has long been imagined (ACIR, 1985; Bowman and Kearney, 1986; Bowling and Wright, 1998a,b; Brough, 1992; Brudney et al., 1999; Garnett, 1980; Van Horn, 1993).

One interpretation relevant to the fragmentation issue comes from the gen- eral acceptance of the null hypothesis regarding the aid-fluidity association. The functionalism and fragmentation present in state administration are not precipi- tated by federal aid features. Intragovernmental forces within the state plane of governance seem to be stronger forces contributing to the unwieldy character of state administration.

Our analyses of regulatory federalism and its link to state agency policy fluidity parallel the findings of federal aid impacts. Despite the attention garnered and appellations assigned to regulatory federalism, our findings involving na- tional regulatory impacts on the states push us toward acceptance of the null hypothesis. We searched hard-to-find fragmentary hints that the degree and/or direction of national regulatory impacts might be linked to state agency policy/

program shifts. We examined regulatory impacts at three levels, or layers. The dominant results were in favor of accepting the conclusion of no association.

Where do these analyses and findings leave us? What larger or broader interpretations are suggested? Three provisional conclusions can be offered, each of which deserves, in our estimation, further thoughtful exploration.

First, our findings, if valid and reliable, call into question the state-level consequences of national policy instruments, i.e., federal aid and regulatory ac- tions. Is it possible that the significance and efficacy of national policies and programs have been overrated? Is there more smoke than fire, more rhetoric than reality in the complaints of state officials over national intergovernmental policy intrusiveness? These questions cast doubt on much of the received wisdom in- volving state-national relations, but to paraphrase Justice Holmes, we need to question the obvious more than we need to investigate the obscure.

A second conclusion, also provisional, is the obverse of the first. Ques- tioning the scope and significance of national impacts on the states returns us to V. O. Key's query about state autonomy. We rephrased it to ask: Are there auton- omous state administrative establishments? The degree(s) of structural and pol- icy fragmentation in state administrative arrangements and the apparent ab- sence of consequential national impacts incline us toward an affirmative response.

State agencies, under this interpretation, are not extensions or subordinates of either national patrons or national policy prescriptions. Instead, the varied state agencies constitute administrative streams of identity, integrity, reliability, and resiliency that are appropriately (or inappropriately) channeled by potent state- level forces.

Intergovernmental Interdependences 63 Prominent among the state power vectors are the agencies themselves and their administrative leaders Key's notion of autonomous state politics is supple mented and perhaps strengthened by this conclusion about autonomous state ad- ministration As Friedrich (1940 50) noted over a half-century ago, "bureaucracy [administration] is the core of modern government " In comparison to many political systems of the world, the 50 American states reasonably qualify as

"modern" governments

There is a third and rather radical conclusion we might draw from the find ings reported in the body of this essay We have relied heavily on analyzing, reporting, and interpreting results that tend to confirm the null hypothesis We cannot explain variations in state program/policy fluidity with variations in na- tional impacts via federal aid or regulatory actions Suppose, however, that the cumulative character of national impacts on state agencies over the past one, two, or five decades has been so substantial that national actions have greatly reduced the variations within and among state administrative operations (Rose, 1973) In other words, interstate, intrastate, and intra-agency variations may be so modest or minor that there is little vanance to be explained1 This could lead to the same empirical findings we found so prevalent, namely, the absence of correlations between national impacts and state policy fluidity (The same conclusion could also result, of course, from an invalid or unreliable measure of policy fluidity )

Whatever interpretations or conclusions are favored from among those stated above, one matter is clear There are important and significant research questions that remain to be pursued in attempting to explain state administrative differences using national policy instruments

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We wish to acknowledge assistance and support of this research provided by the Earhart Foundation of Ann Arbor Michigan and the Institute tor Research in Social Science at the University of North Carolina

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State Administration in Cultural

Context

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