The second broad theme which features transmission of savings, investments and aspirations from the immediate past generation to the current and into the immediate next, is analysed.
Both chapters therefore enlighten on the findings of the research, and relate these to the overall focus of the study.
5.2. ASSUMPTIONS AND MISUNDERSTANDINGS AMONG THE NEW BLACK MIDDLE CLASS
In this sub-section, the existing convergences and divergences of the new black middle class are discussed. The objective is to understand (even if in part) the dynamics of the new black middle class, and by so doing gain a more meaningful perspective on their economic realities and potential. Understanding these kinds of dynamics allows for realistic projections of the extent in which this new black middle class is likely to influence South Africa‟s future socio- economic landscape.
The recurring tendencies have been misrepresentation of the new black middle class as if they were one neat group. The journalistic approach referred to earlier in the thesis is especially a leading influence in this generalization, although traces of scholarly work also reveal generation tendencies (See, for example, Statistics South Africa, 2009; Ncube, Lufumpa and Kayizzi-Mugerwa, 2011) Premising from these styles of generalizations, in an interview with city press, the African National Congress Secretary General Gwede Mantashe lamented that the new black middle class was morally indebted to support the ruling party mainly because they “are beneficiaries of [the] progressive policies of the ANC [and they] must appreciate the history and where we are today...We should engage them, raise their level of consciousness so that when they take decisions, it is not on the basis of an incident or one issue” (15th June 2014). First, Gwede Mantashe holds a dichotomized view between „them‟
and „us‟, suggesting the different yet homogeneous group of society. He also suggests that all the new black middle class are beneficiaries of the country‟s post-apartheid African national Congress politics and policies.
108 What is more, by claiming the need to „raise their level of consciousness‟ Mantashe expects nothing less than full support from the so called new black middle class. In even further castigation of the new black middle class, Mantashe argues that “... those who stand to benefit from change ...must be able to defend that” (City Press, 15th June 2014). Mantashe continues as follows;
“I find it strange for someone in the black middle class to neglect a party that promotes Black Economic Empowerment and employment equity and go for a party that says it should be all about ability that these policies should come to an end. For example, the middle class in Gauteng should lead the debate on e-tolls, on world-class infrastructure of Gauteng. They should bring ideas, not toyi-toyis” (City Press, 15th June 2014).
This argument was a response to significant loss of African National Congress members to the opposition party- the Democratic Alliance, in the 2014 General Elections. Strange indeed for Mantashe, simply because these unmet expectations reflect a linear view of the black middle class, and the dynamics within which their socio-economic and political choices and practices thrive. First, the „us‟ versus „them‟ dichotomy assumes that the middle class are not part of the state. This assumption is misleading; in that some black middle class (and as far as the findings of this study are concerned) are part of the state, while others are in the private sector. In fact, Southall (2014) goes as far as asserting that the black middle class shaped the African National Congress and not vice versa. Second, the locational reference to the middle class misrepresents the sector dynamism. It is difficult to defend the view that there is such a group as „middle class in Gauteng‟.
From within academia, authors such as Southall (2007) echo global positivism in so far as the middle class and democracy is concerned. Contending from a spatial view, Donaldson, Mehlomakhulu, Darkey and Dyssel (2013) found that the new black middle class preferred to live in townships as a sign of constant demonstration of wealth among poor households within townships. Southall‟s (2007) optimism is however a misfit for Donaldson et al.,‟s categories of the new black middle class. Donaldson et al., (2013:2) divide the new black middle class into three categories, the typical neoliberal group which has worked hard for their wealth even though they might not be well educated, the occupational group which is well educated and therefore earns large salaries and, what they dub as “a dubious group of
109 blacks who are wealthy because they are politically aligned to the ruling party, having greater access than others to government-related projects and employment opportunities”. Donaldson et al., (2013) would differ with Southall (2007), especially on the third category in their taxonomy, on the role of the middle class in maintaining democracy. The assumption here being that the politically aligned blacks are unlikely to challenge the state in any fundamental way. That said, while Donaldson et al.,’s (2013) taxonomy might be useful within given limits, these authors fail to acknowledge that all the three categories can be considered products of the state and that many nation states emerging from colonialism pursued a deliberate objective of state manufactured middle class. Although Donaldson et al., (2013) do not explain their use of the term „dubious‟, they are likely to refer to the corruption tendencies of the politically connected middle class segment. Supposing this is the case, these authors assume that political connectedness automatically yields homogeneously corrupt middle class segment. This totalitarian conclusion is unlikely.
Evidently, thus, the new black middle class is highly misunderstood, overestimated and overtasked, mainly due to an as yet inadequate understanding of its dynamics. These notions have yielded frustrated expectations, and surprises on both political and economic fronts. As Donaldson et al.,‟s „dubious‟ notion might partly suggest, , in spite of the expanding black middle class, corruption has increased, and, there are signs that the rule of law is no longer Sine qua non principle whether from the state sector or from the non-state sector (Mashele and Qobo, 2014). Arguably, the question of failed expectations of the new black middle class issues from the misunderstanding and mis-estimation of its character and behavior. These misunderstandings are in part produced by dearth of empirical data among the new black middle class in so far as its character is concerned, and therefore the tendencies to romanticize the new black middle class.
The foregoing conclude that politicians and scholars who settle for the assumption that the new black middle class is an homogeneous group, and therefore homogeneous social, economic or political behaviors should be expected, gravitate towards a rather limited and linear approach. This settlement requires expansion. This is not to say that there are no commonalities among the middle class, there are. These common features are however on a general rather than micro scale, and therefore do not suggest a collective or homogeneous action. The common characteristics among the new black middle class are discussed below.
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