4.4. RESEARCH DESIGN
4.4.2. Sampling Technique
Sampling takes two forms; probability and non-probability (Bailey, 2007; Saunders et al., 2003). Probability sampling selects a sample out of a representative population, and is most suitable for quantitative research, simply because it seeks to generalize findings on the basis of the entire population (Bailey, 2007). Probability sampling takes the form of simple random sampling, systematic sampling, stratified random sampling and cluster sampling, all of which provide equal chances for each sample to be selected (Saunders et al., 2003). Authors such as Henry (1990) do not recommend probability sampling for less than fifty cases.
94 Non probability sampling on the other hand, is less standardized, and essentially non representative. For Patton (2002), the size of the sample is less important than the analysis.
The main forms of non-probability sampling include quota sampling, purposive sampling, snowball sampling, self-selection sampling and convenience sampling (Saunders et al., 2003). The researcher finds credibility in purposive and snowball sampling, as the most suited techniques for this study. These two are elaborated below.
Purposive sampling is usually applied in the circumstance of relatively small sample, and, when particular individuals are likely to provide the required information (Saunders et al., 2003). In otherwords, purposive sampling aims at obtaining responses from the most (known) productive participants. As Saunders et al., (2003) note, snowballing sampling is applicable in cases where identification of respondents poses a challenge. The initial contact is made, and, the researcher makes use of the first respondent to identify others who are acquainted with the first respondent in one way or another. The referral process continues with the second respondent, who refers a third one; the third refers a fourth one, and so on. Purpose sampling methods are most suitable for this study, assisted by snowballing techniques to ensure a sufficiently large sample. Thus, while purposive sampling “...enables [the researcher] to select cases that ...best...answer... research questions and... objectives”
(Saunders, et al; 2003: 176), snow balling helps to “...identify further members of the population, who then identify further members, and so the sample snowballs” (ibid:175).
Applying the above to this exercise, the research interviewed nineteen middle class black African households, with the study adhering to the „saturation principle‟ as suggested by Bertaux (1981) and Guest et al., (2006). These authors (Bertaux, 1981 and Guest et al., 2006) have suggested that fifteen sample size should be the minimum target for qualitative studies based on the conclusion that after the fifteenth interview the probabilities of any new information are significantly low. Green and Thorogood (2009) on the other hand have argued that most of qualitative data begins to saturate around the twentieth or so target. The differences in threshold might vary depending on the specific subject of investigation. The sample target of this study went beyond Bertaux (1981) and Guest et al., (2006) threshold, but fell just outside Green and Thorogood (2009) border. As far as this exercise is concerned, there was hardly any new theme emerging after interview thirteen, which makes the lower bound argument (Bertaux 1981, and Guest et al., 2006) seem accurate.
95 Based on the above, while the choice of 19 middle class respondents might suggest inconclusive results from a quantitative premise, this study is qualitative and is interested in perspectives and experiences of the interviewed individuals, as indicative of broader experiences and perspectives of new Black middle class South Africans. This is not to suggest national representativity, rather detectable trends of experiences. Thus, a new black middle class individual based in Newcastle, KwaZulu Natal, is likely to demonstrate new wealth through purchasing an expensive car, just as a middle class individual based in Johannesburg. Unlike in a quantitative case, for this study, the inquiry does not seek to understand how many new black middle class individuals possess X number of expensive vehicles. It intends to determine why a new black middle class chooses to purchase an expensive car, and to what extent is this choice shaped by previous state of scarcity or deprivation.
The thesis limited itself to black African households based in Newcastle Local Municipality, Amajuba District. Within this geographic framework though, more deliberate selection was made, with the selection guided by arguments already made in chapter three, and thus used four indicators for the sample selection to be achieved. Three of these indicators have been derived from the following presentations. First, in Kharas and Gertz (2010) persuasion which considers middle class households as those within a comfortable lifestyle? For Kharas and Gertz, comfort manifests in the ability to afford decent health care, decent housing, job security, higher education, reasonable retirement benefits as well as surplus income for leisure activities. Second, in Southall (2004c) occupational based indicator which categorizes as middle class those who hold employment positions in government or corporates and third, the income based indicator, popularised by Visagie and Posel (2011) among others.
A point of clarity, and as demonstrated in the above set of indicators, the interest of this work is not wholesale black South Africans, rather, middle class households whose previous generation was anything lower than a middle class. The adopted definition of middle class is different from Statistics South Africa definition, which considers middle class households as those with “formal housing…water tap in the residence, …a flush toilet in the residence,…electricity as the main lighting source, … electricity or gas as the main cooking source, and …a landline or a household member having a cell phone” (Statistics South Africa, 2009:1). Chapter three has already contested this definition, arguing that Statistics South Africa draws its middle line too low, effectively flattering survival dynamics. This is to
96 say, the Stats SA classification of a household as middle class, becomes easily entangled with households survival behaviors, such as the tendencies for illegal water and electricity connections in many township based households.
A higher threshold proposed by Visagie and Posel (2011), classifies as middle class households within R1, 400 and R10, 000 range, per capita per month in 2008 prices. Visagie and Posel‟s proposal is based on the median income as a reference point, and the 50% to 150% spread from the median income.
The above indicators were triangulated for maximum effectiveness, thus a participant needed to meet at least one of the three indicators. What this means is that, black African middle class households were screened into the sample on the basis of either their household location, their occupation or their monthly household income. In terms of location, Newcastle Municipality is categorized into what is commonly referred to as the Western suburbs (with decent road and water infrastructure) which are in national as well as global terms relatively affluent; the second category being Newcastle East, consisting of Madadeni and Osizweni townships where majority of the municipal households are located. The townships are typically poorly served by the municipality, densely populated and essentially considered as poor (although there are a number of surprise cases as will be noted in the analysis).
Within the above locational framework, deliberate efforts were made to interview households based in Newcastle Municipality‟s western Suburbs - Aviary Hill, Hutten heights, Pioneer Park and Signal Hill all of which are administratively categorized as middle income suburbs. On the occupational indicator, the main breadwinner had to at least hold a mid-level or senior post in government or in the corporate sector. Self-employed household bread winners or co-breadwinners who met the income or the locational criteria were included in this (occupational) indicator. On the income indicator, the study elected Visagie‟s upper bound middle class point, (households which earn R, 10,000). Given that this research was interested in meaningful distribution of new wealth across generations, it was important to examine households which have a fairly significant income which provides them with distribution capabilities. In this context, Visagie‟s R10, 000 (per capita per month) middle class upper threshold was considered as the minimum, as far as the screening of participants was concerned. Worth noting here, as Deaton (1997) observes, expenditure based measurement of wealth has been proved as more effective to determine income, than directly
97 asking respondents about their income. Income based questions tend to produce non responses. The researcher therefore utilized this technique to determine income measurements.
To ensure that only households which represent new wealth were sampled, not only was an elimination question included in the interview guide, but also the researcher informally establish the income status of the previous generation in a given household before considering a sample household.
With the foregoing pre-text, then, initial contacts were made with seven purposively selected black African middle class households. The researcher utilized his existing informal networks with a number of households who, going by the stated criteria, qualified as part of the target sample. Following these initial contact, in a snowball approach, the purposively selected respondents were requested to refer their acquaintances until the final sample size of nineteen was achieved.