5.4. THE NEW BLACK MIDDLE CLASS AND IDENTITIES
5.4.2. Neo-classical and Neo-Marxist identities of the new black middle class
115 overwhelmingly, the interviewed participants do not see the possibilities of their children being supported by relatives or even the community.
The drifts noted above reflect fading cultural elements on one hand, on the other, die hard cultural identity, namely, dowry payment. Both these are likely to persist into the next generation, which of course will amplify current dynamics of the new black middle class. The fading cultural identities, especially will potentially recreate new socio-economic realities among the next generation‟s black middle class, while the resilient cultural identity is likely to disintegrate on an extremely gradual pace.
5.4. THE NEW BLACK MIDDLE CLASS AND IDENTITIES
116 neoliberalism continue to evolve, one of its consistent creeds is the call for limited state in facilitation of economic transactions. Neoliberals argue that the state should progressively give way to markets, which are able to coordinate economic activities more effectively, competitively and freely (Larner, 2000; Wiley, 1987). They also point out that economic productivity is highest in individualistic societies (Gorodnichenko and Roland, 2013).
In the context of the new black middle class, neo-liberalism would attribute social mobility to hard work and discipline. This position would also argue that the slow pace of generational investments is mainly caused by benevolent choices of the new black middle class in supporting other households.
Neo-Marxists analyse societal issues from power relations viewpoint. The dominant themes in neo-Marxism analyses are power, politics (Southall, 2007) and interest groups (Wiley, 1987). In narrating the development of South Africa‟s new black middle class, it has already been pointed out that neo-marxists are essentially interested in the political role played by this class (Southall, 2007). Neo-Marxists would contend that the new black middle class should be considered in the context of class relations. In otherwords, the new black middle class should not be viewed from a neoliberal individualistic view, rather, from a collective structural perspective.
Before examining how the manifestations of neoliberal and neo-Marxist traditions are taking place among the new black middle class, it is important to point out that South Africa‟s history is highly complex, in so far as theoretical traditions are concerned. In many respects, apartheid was reflective of class struggles (Wolpe, 1972; Leggasick, 1974a). Wolpe interpreted apartheid as a system of control, with the working class being the subjects (1972).
Both Wolpe (1972) and Leggasick (1974a) agreed that the apartheid system reflected the essential need for capitalism to exploit cheap labor. From this view, the apartheid state was capitalist. The social, economic and political conflict in apartheid South Africa strengthened societal bonds even as they divided the society. The ascension of the African National Congress to power in 1994, attested to the fact that South Africa‟s development problems, struggles and possibilities lay in collective negotiation of the working class, against a capitalist state.
Twenty years into democracy, black South Africans are at cross roads, facing a difficult balance between identifying themselves in the context of race, or, accepting class identity as a
117 more realistic classification. Arguably, these contesting identities form the core of South Africa‟s development problem. The on-going breakdown of the ANC as presented by Mbeki, (2009) as well as Mashele and Qobo (2014) is, arguably, indicative of the identity tensions of the new black middle class –do they gravitate towards race or towards class classifications.
These tensions manifest in the following way.
In the main, the new black middle class seems trapped in generally neo-Marxist realities, although at the same time revealing aspirational drifts towards neo-liberalism9. This trap is historical, and is rooted in the socio-economic coping mechanisms invented by the working class during apartheid decades. Almost all of the interviewed participants grew up in communal households, and, all of them experienced poverty.
Consider Participant A11 (18/07/2014), who grew in “...this big family” where she was
“...living with aunts and uncles” and, her university fees was paid her aunt (Participant A11, 18/07/2014). The collective responsibility is visible in this articulation, as it is in participant A5 (17/06/2014)‟s experience. The participant notes that when he was born, his niece was living in his parents‟ house, and had become part of the participant‟s household for the following 15 years (Participant A5 (17/06/2014). The niece had lost her mother, and could not live with the father, hence the reason for moving into participant A5 (17/06/2014)‟s parents household. In addition to participant A5 (17/06/2014) further reports the following:
“There was also the cousin who started to live with us from 2000, she moved out this year (2014). In 2004 my mother identified a kid in school, who was needy and started to support her. Unfortunately two years after staying with us, her parents died and she kind of became part of our family. She is now currently at the university of Johannesburg doing her third year, sponsored 50% by bursary and my parents paying for the other 50%” (Participant A5 (17/06/2014)
Currently, participant A5 (17/06/2014)‟s parents are involved in some collective contribution towards a funeral scheme, and they have been involved in providing support to many other
9 The varying attitudes and economic behaviors might not neatly fit into Neo-liberalism and Neo-Marxist theoretical positions. Broadly though, the fundamentals of each of these schools manifest in the attitudes and economic behaviors of the new black middle class, as the chapter will demonstrate.
118 households. Participant A5 (17/06/2014) consents that he has learned, and satisfactorily so, to accommodate needy people who are not necessarily relatives.
The above are typical cases of conceptualizing social problems from a collective cause, and requiring collective response, in line with neo-Marxist traditions. This narrative is also a reflection of how households emerging from apartheid socio-economic legacy view poor households - as victims of the past socio-economic system, and necessarily in need of active solidarity. For these left leaning households, markets might still be ruthlessly unfair as far as economic balancing is concerned. Arguably, this is the same philosophy which shaped household compositions, sizes and intra-household economic relations.
In the same tradition, the overwhelming majority of the interviewed participants are fundamentally involved in the economic aspects of relatives, friends and neighbours. There are indications of transmitting some of these communal attitudes and lifestyle models into future generations, although the conditions for their transgenerational survival are increasingly challenging. This then, is the extent in which neo-marxism is likely to survive or disintegrate, moving forward. The degree of neo-marxism survival or disintegration will of course vary from one household to another.
What is clear though, is that the new black middle class is unambiguously drifting towards individualistic life approach. Cases such as participant A5 (17/06/2014) attest to this conclusion. The participant reports that, given that he lives with the parents, he pays rent to his parents and makes contribution towards household groceries. According to participant A5 (17/06/2014), his parents believe in hard work, and the need for individuals to navigate through economic challenges and opportunities, or to “...fend for yourself” as participant A5 (17/06/2014) puts it.
As already mentioned, the new black middle class does not expect support from the future generation, even though majority are economically involved in the previous generation. This is an important break from a cycle of reciprocal support stretching back to generations. The new black middle class considers current and future economic possibilities along neo-liberal traditions.
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