5.4. THE NEW BLACK MIDDLE CLASS AND IDENTITIES
5.4.4. The New black middle class and unbounded identities
As already argued in chapter two, there are various theoretical positions which might explain the relationships between the new black middle class and the poor. Structuralists would argue that the above relationships need to be transformed (See for example, Flesh, 1970, Martinussen, 1997). Classical Malthusianism (Harvey and Reed, 1992, Henry, 2007) would attribute these relationships to cultural practices and believes, especially of the poor in their relationship with the new black middle class. For classical Marxists (see Milliois, Dimoulis, and Economakis; 2002; Khalil, 2000; Harvey and Reed, 1992), these relationships reflect class struggles between the middle class and the lower class. In their analysis, Classical Marxists see entanglement as markets disorder. Contending from a neo-Marxist leaning, authors such as Lewis (1968) would in all probabilities conclude that the poor are simply finding adaptive mechanisms by depending on the middle class, while Bradshaw (2005) and Murray (2004) are likely to place blame to the poor for manipulating the new black middle class. From Neoclassical premise, the problem appears straightforward: the poor should be transformed through improving their skills as well as changing their culture of poverty (Gorodnichenko and Roland (2013). And, the cognition depletion position would consider the
122 new black middle class as making irrational decisions, due to the pressure on their „mental bandwidth‟ (Shafir and Mullaianathan; 2013).
How accurate though are the above presentations, especially in addressing the inter- relationships question? Consider structuralists case for example, and their proposition for transformation of relationships. What does transformation of relationships mean in practice?
Who transforms these relationships, under what circumstances and what are the possibilities for successful transformation? In similar cloudiness, are classical Marxists right in labelling relations between the middle class and the poor as a struggle? What really binds the middle class to the poor-is it low mental bandwidth, or are the poor unnecessarily dependent on the middle class? These are profound questions, and, posing them reveals the shadows (rather than lights) cast by prevailing views. That is to say, theoretical positions appear somewhat bankrupt in defining the middle class and explaining the dynamics which shape its character.
As far as the new black South Africans are concerned, this study found limited legitimacy of the above diagnosis, and rather conclusive evidence that relationships between the new black middle class and the poor are not linear, neither are they bounded. These nonlinear and unbounded factors reflect a unique and complex identity of the new black middle class than often assumed.
In 1993, Michael Hecht developed a communication theory of identity (See Hecht, 2003), which although universal (Orbe, 2004), it essentially represents the identity currents occurring among new black South African middle class. The CTI theory posits that identity is
“...a communication process and must be understood as a transaction in which messages and values are exchanged” (Hecht, 2003:230). In Hecht‟s view (2003), messages and values (or ways of life) are embedded in identities. The picture becomes more complex, when multiple identities –or what Golden, Niles & Hecht (2002) refer to as „different frames‟- are considered. Golden et al., (2002) have drawn attention to identity formations within individuals, within relationships, within groups as well as within relational partners and group members. Hecht (2003) has usefully noted that these frames interpenetrate; they are complex and multidimensional. They should therefore be studied simultaneously (Golden et al., 2002).
In this multidimensional identity situation, values, attitudes and beliefs interact forcefully, so much so that an outsider can potentially misunderstand behavior patterns of the research subject. This is so especially due to the tendencies to interpret the new black middle class
123 from the surface. The theoretical positions presented in the beginning of this subsection (structuralist, classical Malthusianism, classical Marxists, neo Marxist, Neoclassical as well as Cognitive depletion theories) all of which seek to explain relations between the middle class and the poor commit this error by imposing conclusions with less regard for the identity milieu. This study contends that the new black middle class interactions with the poor are best articulated in the multidimensional identity frame.
The context to unbounded identities among the new black middle class is traceable from apartheid‟s unkind impact. Whether through political struggle, or poverty, or diseases, the traditional household as well as family setting among black Africans was profoundly disrupted during the apartheid episode, consequently dissolving relational (social, economic and biological) boundaries.
Thus, participant A3 (10/06/2014) who was brought up by her mother, considers her mother as a role model. When asked about where her parents were located when she was growing up, she provided the following response.
“it is a very difficult question to answer because I used to stay with my grandmother and my mother was married but not to my father. I would say I was revolving around because I would stay few days with my mother, then few days with my father, but at the same time I was in boarding school. I ended up not knowing where to stay”
(Participant A3, 10/06/2014).
In such a case, the participant had to live out various identities depending on the circumstance. An independent woman in boarding school, a granddaughter, daughter relating to the mother and daughter relating to the father, all in overlapping scenarios. Participant A4 (13/06/2014) reveals a different dynamic of disrupted identity. She indicated that, when growing up “...we were many because we also had extended family and were living together.
We were ten in total, in our household” (Participant A4 (13/06/2014). She then goes on to note that her father was responsible for all ten household members, even though this included grandparents, cousins and aunts.
Participant A6 (17/06/2014) provides a different account, yet by no means less complex.
Now living in Newcastle, and holding a bachelor‟s degree in town planning, Participant A6 (17/06/2014) grew up in a household headed by his grandmother, together with an uncle,
124 siblings and cousins. His mother got married to another man, other than his father (who passed away in 1998), passing the entire bread winning responsibility to the participant‟s grandmother. Unfortunately the grandmother passed on in 2013, leaving the participant to take over the economic responsibility of the household. Thus Participant A6 (17/06/2014) provides economic support to his uncle, his sister, and two cousins, all of who live in the house left by the participant‟s grandmother. Relational boundaries between the participant and his sister, as well as the participant and his cousins are interestingly similar, as they are with the participant‟s uncle.
The above responses point to disruptions of conventional household identities, and consequent re-construction of social or economic relations as an adaptive reaction. This reconstruction essentially dissolves relational boundaries, such that economic support is provided to social and biological networks alike. This conclusion is arrived at when responses such as participant A1‟s is considered (05/06/2014). Growing in a household of sixteen members consisting of cousins and siblings, participant A1 (05/06/2014) was mentored and partly educated by his cousin holds the following perspective.
“You see when I was still at university, my cousin would make sure that I registered and settled down. I have the responsibility to do the same thing to the guys coming from the same community, to assist them stay even in my room until they settle down.
That assistance carries on for generations” (Participant A1, 05/06/2014)
Growing in a large family, and given the financial support from non-biological relatives, participant A1 (05/06/2014) provides on-going support to his in-laws, relatives as well as the community members who are not biologically related. Yet in the same identity milieu, participant A1 (05/06/2014) prefers his children to live a less shared lifestyle, and in pursuit of a preferred lifestyle he has purchased a house in a middle class suburb and two cars. The situation is roughly similar for participant A18 (08/08/2014), whose family was mainly looked after by her uncle (a doctor by profession) even though her father was still alive.
Infact, participant A18‟s uncle made the decision for the participant‟s family to relocate from Pretoria to Newcastle. The uncle‟s support has translated to a moral obligation on participant A18 (08/08/2014), who now supports her nephew.
Participant A1‟s (05/06/2014) as well as A18‟s (08/08/2014) experiences reveal tensions between Golden‟s (2002) self-cognition, self-concept and self well-being on one hand, on the
125 other, identity to others. This is a delicate balancing act, where the aspiration of a middle class lifestyle exists alongside unbounded identities, which shape economic support to relatives and community members.
All in all, then, this section discussed the identity question as it relates to new middle class Black South Africans. Development economists have tended to consider this class from a purely economic identity, while political scientists are caught up in the political identity of this class. The section sought to challenge these compartmentalised approaches, and rather put forward more complex identity realities, all which occur in a single individual or and even more in a household. Economic behaviors, as the section has observed, is shaped by interacting identities. Infact, this study would argue that any attempt to examine the new black middle class economic or political behaviors, yet taking for granted the multiple and yet powerful identities which define this class, is at far from accurate.
The issue here is not to propose changes in identities; it is rather to understand how these identities yield unique outcomes in behavioural patterns-whether these behaviors are social, economic or political. While both bounded and unbounded identities of the new black middle class influence the nature and kinds of relationships between middle class households and poor households, unbounded identities are especially powerful in modelling socio-economic relationships of these households. The study now turns to scrutinise what this unbounded identity of the new black middle class means as far as poor households are concerned.