CHAPTER 3 ISLAMIC THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ON CONVERSION
3.2 Comparative Examples of Conversion Patterns .1 United States of America & Britain
between born Muslims and new Muslims. But interesting information was presented by Rogerson (2002: 221 & 360) that the amount of the annual stipend {divan) paid to the Muslims depended on the time that they accepted Islam, thus drawing a very clear distinction between the early Muslims of Makkah and the later Muslims of MadTnah and thereafter. Furthermore, in battle the early Muslims always fought in the middle and most strategic columns, with the later Muslims fighting on the sides. These examples tend to show that a certain sense of differentiation was awarded to the first converts.
3.2 Comparative Examples of Conversion Patterns
This was a common feeling amongst the women who nearly all reached the stage of conversion when children came into the picture and a decision had to be made on the education of those children. Yet other husbands expressed anxiousness when their wives converted as they felt conversion was not a requirement and their wives should be independently "convinced and not compelled." (Anway 1996:28) The Middle Eastern men appear to closely follow the Qur'anic verses of there being no compulsion in religion and that the 'People of the Book' do not need to convert, thus taking seriously and with caution the decision their wives make in converting.
Many of the women found that the religious transition from Christianity to Islam, on a personal and individual level, was easy due to the similarities between the two religious books, the Bible and the Qur'an. But for others it was a form of jihad, a struggle in the path of God, to leave behind the old traditions and way of life. An important factor in assisting with the transition is that most of the women were young adults and therefore past the adolescent age given as the prime time for conversions. Thus they were mature and emotionally equipped to make informed choices. Even so, religious decisions, especially when they entail a conversion process, become extremely stressful and emotional at times. Very often families are separated and lost because of conflict caused through such decisions, and acceptance of the daughter's decision by her parents is often not forthcoming. In some cases it takes years for the parents and family to move towards a position of acceptance whereas for others it often occurs when grandchildren enter the picture.
Many of the mothers', of women who converted, who responded to the research, indicated that they found that there was a definite shift in the way that their daughters' started doing things socially and religiously. For some it was very much a cultural issue where one mother said her daughter began cooking only Iranian food and was meeting new Muslim friends rather than Christian American friends. For most families it was the drastic change in their daughter's style of dress, most particularly the headscarf, which became a far too blatant and
socially distinguishable religious statement of difference and thus, the greatest area of contention. Another contentious issue was that surrounding halal food and Christian religious festivals. Many of the daughters would not eat in their parent's home because of haram foods and refused to partake in or visit their family at Easter or Christmas. The parents' lack of acceptance centred in their lack of understanding about their daughters' choice, and the refusal to understand that choice. This caused enormous divides within the family. Some women felt that their parents "just had to accept the change" (Anway 1996: 60) as they were not going back to Christianity or 'Americanism' just to please them.
Na'ima Robert (2005) wrote of her experiences and those of other women living in Britain (but not all of British descent) who have accepted Islam. The majority of these women were young adults in their university or post-university phases. She emphasized the point that many of these women's parents' felt that they had been brainwashed and coerced into proclaiming the shahadah, but the reality was that most of the women had studied the faith and therefore had made intellectual and informed religious decisions, thus falling in line with the intellectual motif of Lofland. Furthermore, although it is assumed that women accept Islam when they are involved with or marry a Muslim man merely to please him and his family, the women have actually researched and studied Islam independently.
Robert covers a woman's moment of declaration of the shahadah where the woman says:
'"I want to take my shahadat now.' So they took me upstairs (within the masjid) and I took the shahadat and all the sisters were so happy - it was like one big party."
(Robert 2005:51) The significance of this example is that there is no reference to the woman having had a ghusl as a requirement for the declaration of the shahadah. She happened to be in the mosque for a lecture when she decided to accept Islam.
This aligns itself with the experiences of the American women that shahadah is the definitive principle of accepting Islam and not any other ritual. In relation to the shahadah, Robert (2005: 61) highlights seven conditions that extend from the declaration: al 'ilm (knowledge), al ikhlas (sincerity), al-sidq (truthfulness), al- yaqTn (certainty), al-mahabbah (love), al-inqiyad (submission) and al-qubul (acceptance). Embracing Islam (conversion) is an emotional process reflecting various feelings of excitement, anxiety, happiness and anticipation. But as she so rightly expresses, many women do not completely understand the significance of the statement they are making (reference to the seven conditions), and for many it is after months or years that they attain a true understanding of what they had declared. This supports the view of Wahiduddin who said that complete conversion comes after a process of self realization and growth, which ultimately supports the intellectual motif.
A noteworthy point that Robert and Kose mention, is that the women who are converting are not what would be considered submissive, quiet and unassuming women as the West believe of Muslim women in general. On the contrary, the converts are Western women of varying races and previous religions, confident, educated and unafraid of challenges. They are not only housewives, but women who are part of the social and economic structures of society who have a powerful voice within their community.
Ali Kose in his book Conversion to Islam (1996) writes that most converts accept Islam through contact with someone they know, one such scenario being women who are involved with or marry Muslim men, particularly Arabs and Pakistanis in the British context. Kose emphasizes that the women 'do not necessarily have to convert since Islamic law permits Muslim men to marry Ahl al-Kitab (People of the Book).' Kose notes that many of the women do not convert before marriage but, through everyday social and affectional contact with their husband, their interest in Islam increases and thus they make an informed, intellectual choice of accepting Islam. Furthermore the women were all young adults as shown by his research which set the age of conversion at 29.6 years and not that of adolescence as established by Starbuck et al.
Furthermore, he has established that the majority of converts accept an Islamic name at the time of saying their shahadah. He states that a name change is not required by Islam, except if the name does not have a good meaning as recommended by the Prophet (pbuh). Many converts have an Islamic name which they use in Muslim social circles but retain their birth names which they
continue to use in the workplace, with family and friends. It appears therefore that most of the converts in Britain tend to have a choice as to whether they will assume an Islamic name, usually to help with the acceptance of an Islamic identity, or to continue with the name they have always gone by. Thus it can be inferred that a name change is not essential on accepting Islam as is often implied by those in Islamic organizations.
Perhaps it is the following quote from Daughters of Another Path that puts into perspective so clearly the transformation that occurs in all spheres for the female convert to Islam:
"The woman converting to Islam takes on a whole new way of relating to the world. She is accepting a set of practices that, although they may vary with cultural interpretations, are basically universal. She has the task of blending her Western upbringing with that of her husband's culture, that of the Islamic practices, and that of the ummah that is her support group. All this she must do plus rebuilding relationships with her family of origin."
(Anway 1996: 91)