CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS OF A SURVEY ON WOMEN WHO CONVERT TO ISLAM FOR THE PURPOSE OF MARRIAGE
4.2 Presentation and analysis of data
beforehand. In hindsight, where I minimized work on one hand I seem to have created more work in other areas. Since Microsoft Access is linked to Excel it was simple enough to link the data to create the charts and diagrams necessary to graphically support the findings.
The interviews were scanned to ascertain whether the responses to questions in the interviews matched those in the questionnaires. Where the responses were the same there was no need for analysis as it would have been duplicating the information. However, the open-ended questions which enabled the respondents to speak of their experiences revealed some interesting comments not found in the questionnaires. These have been analysed below.
marriage, but was a general sample of any person who had converted for whatever reason. My research shows that the majority of the converts were practising believers of their faith and therefore disputes the findings of previous scholars. The outcome of this variable could possibly indicate that the women only converted because of coercing factors as they appeared content with the religion they were practising.
This variable is extremely important as part of this analysis as it sets the outline as to those who are Ahl al-Kitab or mushrikun and is therefore a crucial element of the thesis in terms of whether it is necessary for them to convert to Islam or not.
4.2.1.2. Respondent & Spouse race groups
The sample group of respondents falls into the following race groups: Black (3), Coloured (12), Indian (9) and White (6). The corresponding spouses are divided into the following: Black (3), Coloured (1), Cape Malay (4) and Indian (22). It is quite clear that most of the respondents married into the Indian race group and therefore a different cultural background. All the Black (African) respondents married Black spouses, one (1) being from Malawi, one (1) from Mozambique and the last categorized as Zanzibari but of local birth. Three (3) Coloureds married Cape Malays, one (1) White married a Cape Malay and one (1) Coloured married a Coloured. Those who married Cape Malays also had a different culture into which they had to be acculturated.
Twenty-one (21) respondents had a Western upbringing, three (3) had an African cultural upbringing although they were Christian, and six (6) had an Asian or Hindu cultural background.
These variables are significant in context of the questions that deal specifically with acculturation processes the women followed to cope with the differences and difficulties between their own cultures and that of their spouse.
4.2.1.3. Time of conversion
CONVERSION
BEFORE MARRIAGE TIME MARRIAGE AFTER MARRIAGE
TOTAL NUMBER
19 10 1
CHRISTIANS 16
8 0
HINDUS 3 2 1
Figure 2 : Conversion in terms of marriage
This is the most vital variable, together with that of the 'previous religion' variable, for the research paper. The table in Figure 2 clearly indicates that twenty-nine of the thirty respondents converted before or at the time of their marriage which implies that being Muslim was necessary for the marriage (nikah) to take place.
Moreover, sixteen (16) of the Christians converted before marriage and eight (8) of them at the time of marriage. In comparison, three (3) Hindus converted before marriage, two (2) at the time of marriage and one (1) after marriage. This respondent converted after she had given birth to both her children, and it was because of them that she decided to convert. This woman was a Hindu so her conversion to Islam after the marriage is contrary to the teachings of the Qur'an.
The important corresponding findings in relation with this variable would be what influences and motifs prompted the respondents in their decisions to convert.
4.2.1.4. Place of conversion
Of the thirty (30) respondents, ten (10) were converted at an Islamic organization, three (3) in mosques, six (6) in a private home, one (1) at their workplace and ten (10) gave either the city or country as the place of conversion.
4.2.1.5. Age of marriage (indicating the age of conversion)
When entering the data I created age brackets into which I placed the respondents' ages.
RESPONDENT'S AGE
17-21 years 22-26 years 27-31 years 32-36 years
NUMBER 30 11 14 2 3
PERCENTAGE 100%
36.66%
46.66%
6.66%
10%
Figure 3: Respondents age at marriage
The analysis showed that twenty (20) of the respondents were the same age at the time of their conversion and marriage. Nine (9) of the nineteen (19) respondents who converted before marriage did so from one to four years before marriage but still fell within their marriage age bracket. The one Hindu respondent converted four years after marriage.
As the respondents had given their exact ages, the year of their marriage and year of conversion, I was able to calculate their age at conversion. In reference to the findings of the early scholars of conversion such as Edwin Starbuck and George Albert Coe the common conversion age is that of adolescence, 16 years for boys and 13 years of age for girls. Ali Kose (1996: 47) in his research disagreed with these findings indicating that his largest age group was that of 23- 45 years with 43 respondents and the average being 29.7 years of age. My analysis supports his findings that conversion to Islam is not an adolescent phenomenon but that of adulthood, with my largest sample falling in the 22-26 years age group, which is 46.66% of the sample and the average age of conversion being 23.06 years, ten years later than that given by Starbuck. The youngest age was 17 years and the eldest was 35 years.
4.2.1.6. Year of marriage
In the South African context the year of marriage could be an important indicator in terms of the success of the marriage, particularly in relation to racial inter- marriage. The reasoning behind this is that the majority (20) of the marriages took place during the Apartheid regime. Admittedly, most of the respondents are non-white except for the six (6) white respondents, but these marriages still took place across the racial barrier, and even non-whites marrying non-whites from different racial groupings, was considered a cause for concern.
YEAR OF MARRIAGE 1961-1980 1981-1993 1994-2006
NO. OF RESPONDENTS
6 14 10
Figure 4: Year of marriage
4.2.1.7. Marriage type
Twenty (20) of the marriages were Islamic marriages (nikah) only. Whereas nine (9) were Islamic and Civil marriages with all Islamic ceremonies taking place before the civil marriage. Only one (1) marriage was a civil marriage only.
4.2.1.8. Marital status
Twenty (25) of the respondents are still married to their spouses, with three (3) being widowed, one (1) separated and one (1) divorced. All of the women have maintained Islam as their religion.
4.2.1.9. Highest qualification
Education was a necessary variable in terms of the intellectual motif for conversion. Although educating oneself in a religion before accepting it as one's
chosen faith to follow, may not correspond to secular education, it is important as depending on one's education there will be an influence on how one approaches the process of conversion.
Ten (10) respondents had high school as the highest level, thirteen (13) indicated that matriculation was their highest education, four (4) had diplomas and three (3) had university degrees.
4.2.1.10. Profession
Once again I erred in this variable by allowing them to indicate exactly what they did rather than provide profession choices or categories. Their professions varied considerably, but fortunately were not difficult to group for the analysis.
Housewife: 7 Education: 3 Administration: 4
Secretary: 3 Sales: 5 Caterer: 2 Other: 6 (voluntary worker; daycare centre owner;
machinist; speech therapist; customs inspector; domestic worker)
Figure 5: Respondents Professions
4.3 Main analysis