In order to judge whether the women felt compelled or coerced to convert it was necessary to ask them questions of similar content yet phrased differently, to gauge their responses. When asked if their future husband had discussed conversion to Islam as a requirement for marriage, eighteen (18) of them said 'Yes' of which thirteen (13) were Christian and five (5) were Hindu. The other twelve (12) answered 'No' of which eleven (11) were Christian and one (1) was Hindu.
Twenty (20 [66.6%]) respondents said they discussed the reasons and proceedings of the conversion. Converting for the sake of the future children and to establish a happy home environment where one religion would be practiced were the most common (12) reasons given for conversion. Three (3) respondents felt they had to convert or else they would not be accepted by their future in-laws as a suitable candidate for marriage (coercive motif) and one woman indicated she had no option as she was told it was a requirement for marriage (coercive motif). Four (4) spoke of Islam being a religion that they liked and found significant to their lives and two (2) others said that the name change arose in
discussion and that they were told that conversion was a choice. Although only twenty discussed the reasons for conversion, they all expressed how they felt about the idea of converting.
Respondents feelings about converting
No. of respondents O NJ -[*• CD 00 O N
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Feelings
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Figure 12: Feelings of respondents about converting
Twelve 12 [40%] women felt either uncertain or upset about the idea of converting whereas seventeen (56.6%) were unfazed, willing or co-operative.
The positive feelings were generated by the Coloured, Black and White race groups whereas the Hindus had the highest concentration of negative responses.
Although the idea of conversion was taken seriously the majority were not adverse to the concept. The fact that there were those who were unhappy about converting indicates that some of the women were not considering conversion as something that they intended on when entering the relationship with their partner.
Not surprisingly, twenty-five (83.3%) women considered conversion to be of a serious nature whereas five (16.6%) thought it to be irrelevant. In addition, twenty (25 [83.3%]) said their conversion was a gradual process and five (5 [16.6%]) said it was sudden, but even these on examination are gradual.
The main criterion for the research was that the respondents converted to Islam, but I needed to determine what the reason was for the final decision to convert.
Reasons for conversion
• Children
• Marriage/husband D Religion
• Research
• Just happened
• Compelled
• Parent's blessings
• Social exclusion
Figure 13: Reasons for Conversion
In Figure 13, it is evident that the greatest deciding factor was so they could marry their husband. This was followed by the factors of research on the religion and their acceptance that Islam was a religion they could associate with. These two reasons suggest the intellectual and mystical motifs. Twelve (12) respondents (in total) converted because of the social motifs of children and marriage and two (2: I Coloured and I Hindu) felt they 'had to' thus suggesting the coercive motif. One Hindu respondent only converted when her parents gave their permission. This demonstrates that of the twenty-nine (29) respondents who gave their reasons, only thirteen (13) say they converted for the benefits of the religion. One respondent said she was ostracized by her community because of her Muslim fiance therefore she converted.
The pie diagram below (Figure:14 ) gives a comprehensive synopsis of the basic elements that are required to ascertain whether conversion was through compulsion or freewill.
Factors determining Compulsion or Freewill
25 ^ ^
27
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18
/ § » 1 8
^ ' " " • •'"'*' ' • - I
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26
D Conversion required for marriage
• Not given option for conversion
D Not compelled to convert
• Converted of own free will
• Comfortable with decision
• Honest answer-not compelled
Figure 14: Factors determining Compulsion or Freewill
Of the thirty (30) respondents twelve (40%) were given the option of converting whereas eighteen (60% - 15 Christians and 3 Hindus) were not. Of these eighteen, thirteen (13) said they were not compelled and twelve indicated they converted of their own free will. But five (5) said they were compelled but also converted of their own free will. One respondent indicated she was not compelled yet she did not convert freely nor was she given an option to convert.
Twenty-four (24 [80%]) said they were not compelled to convert and twenty-six (26 [86.6%])) said they converted of their own free will. Of the four (4 [13.3%]) who did not convert freely, two (2) were White, one was Black and one Hindu.
One respondent said 'it certainly was implied that without conversion we could not marry. But I was not forced.' The six (6 [20%]) who felt compelled gave the following reasons:
• continual pushing from the in-laws; (White)
• Wouldn't be married if I did not convert; (Coloured)
• Had no choice because: his mother would never have accepted me if I didn't convert and also to make my husband's life easier; If I did not convert would not be Muslim and would not be able to marry him. I felt I had to. (Both of these respondents were Hindu.)
There were twenty-five (25 [83.3%]) who said they answered honestly when asked if they were converting without compulsion, three (10%)) who did not, one who said she answered honestly at the time but felt afterwards that it was not the truth and one was not asked.
The result of these comparisons show that although 60% were told that conversion was required for marriage and 60% were not given the option of converting, there were 80% who did not feel compelled, 86.6% converted of their own free will, 83.3% said they answered honestly and 90% were comfortable with the decision to convert. The statistics clearly show that conversion was definitely through free choice. But taking into consideration the first two figures there must have been coercion in some way to persuade the respondents to convert. The Oxford dictionary defines coercion as a form of persuasion and persuasion is to convince someone of something else. Therefore we can conclude that although approximately 60% were persuaded to convert the final decision was taken by the respondents, thus it was free will and not compulsion.
Twenty-seven (27 [90%])) respondents said they were comfortable with the decision they had made even though so many had given negative feelings about the conversion ritual. The postiveness is a subjective indication as they are making this assertion from a committed and transformed position. The entire twenty-seven indicated they had become more spiritually aware, closer to their Creator and had become better people because of Islam. Two respondents said they were not comfortable; one White and one Hindu. Their reasons were: 'I feel caged up and there are too many restrictions for Islamic women' and 'Mixed emotions because so much to adapt to. So difficult. My whole life has taken a 180° turn.'
The only variable of significance was that of the previous religion. It did not matter that the majority of the respondents were Christian and therefore People of the Book, they still converted before or at the time of marriage which is in complete contrast to the cases of Britain and the United States of America. This is an indication that the cultural context of conversion rituals and processes in South Africa is extremely important.