CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ON RELIGIOUS CONVERSION
2.3 Contemporary research .1 Conversion processes
2.3.3 Lewis Rambo's sequential model of conversion
Some scholars, such as Kose, suggest that the intellectual, experimental and affectional motifs are increasing but for others the idea of a purely intellectual conversion is still idealistic. Their model has value by emphasizing the social aspects of conversion in comparison to the classical study of the psychological framework and the fact that conversion processes are more commonly known to be gradual rather than sudden. But Lewis Rambo has presented an alternative to Lofland and Stark's seven step model by forming what he termed a 'holistic model' of sequential stages.
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As with other scholars, Rambo (1990: 20) suggests that the conversion process takes place within a dynamic context, meaning the complete environment in which it occurs. Conversion is not only influenced by the objective external elements but by subjective internal forces as well and denying either of these forces would not present a holistic understanding of conversion. The context can be categorized into the macro-context which represents the total environment ie:
the political, economic and social and pluralist forces and the micro-context which is the immediate world of the person's family, friends, ethnic group and religious community. Conversion would occur if a person has an affectional relationship with the religious community, when rituals are performed that allow experiences and action that are along the lines of their religious goals, when the system of interpretation of life is changed into a religious framework and when a person's role and purpose is determined and guided by religious sensibilities and structures (1990: 34). Therefore the nature of conversion is constructed out of the religious matrix where the religious tradition gives shape to the experience. Eg:
Islam requires exclusivity as it demands complete rejection of all other religious paths and requires total allegiance. The context stage would incorporate types of conversion such as tradition transition, institutional transition, affiliation, intensification and apostasy and Lofland and Skonovd's conversion motifs.
The second stage of crisis is the process of understanding the sequence of events that leads to conversion. Most scholars agree that some form of crisis precedes conversion but it is the intensity of the crisis that differs in all conversions. The crisis could either question one's basic orientation to life or be a
rather mild event which becomes the last straw. The catalysts could be near death experiences, illness, mystical experiences or even altered states of consciousness or apostasy. Rambo posits that converts are active participants in their conversion, whereas other scholars suggest that in meeting an advocate of the religion the convert becomes a passive participant. Rambo does emphasize that one cannot say that a convert is only active or passive but rather that conversion has the probability of being both (1990: 44).
Apostasy is an important catalyst especially in reference to this thesis. Apostates leave their previous religion to affiliate completely with another. This creates grief over lost relationships, ideas, beliefs, rituals and connections with family and friends. Apostasy makes a person sad because it is so difficult to give up many aspects of ones past. Unfortunately, these issues of loss are not dealt with in the modern world. (1990: 54)
The quest of seeking the meaning and purpose in life becomes the third stage.
The seeking is an ongoing process but is intensified by crisis and is affected by the response of the convert i.e. whether they are active or passive, the structural availability of being able to do the seeking e.g. various networks such as family or religious organisations may prevent or discourage the movement and the motivational structures. These structures delineate the reasons why the individual is doing the searching e.g. relief of guilt, compliance with pressure from family or conflict resolution.
The fourth stage is that of the encounter with the advocate of the religion. Very often the advocate is the missionary who has specific ideals, attitudes and persuasive strategies for encouraging one to convert. In Christianity the missionaries undergo training and are usually more interested in converting the pagan, but in Islam the missionary can be any believer of the faith as da'wah is, to most Muslims, one of the most important aspects of Islam. The advocate could therefore be a friend or colleague of the convert. Rambo (1990: 67) suggests that the process is not necessarily unidirectional but that the convert could have an influence on the advocate as well.
The strategies used by the missionary can be categorized as the degree of proselytizing, the strategic style, the mode of contact and the potential benefits for the convert in accepting the new religion. (1990: 76) Some religions have organized institutions which concentrate on the training of missionaries so as to ensure a concentrated mass of missionaries in the public arena to carry out proselytization. This would include immense amounts of literature to support their strategies, motivations and methods. The mode of contact is varied from house visits to impersonal communication such as radio and television and the benefits are usually subjective to the religion but ensconced in words of regeneration.
Once the stage of encounter is underway the process of the potential convert interacting with members of the new faith intensifies. In this stage the potential convert learns more about the ideology, the teachings, lifestyle and expectations of the group and is given opportunities in a formal and informal way to participate in the faith. The duration of this stage depends on the strategies of each religion and the activeness or passiveness of the potential convert. Here again the motifs of Lofland and Skonovd become important in determining the type of conversion process. An important factor is the affectional motif where relationships, particularly friends and family, are most effective in maintaining a potential convert on the course of learning and participating in the faith.
The sixth stage is that of commitment and is the process whereby the individual makes a decision to commit to the new faith. This commitment usually occurs when the person perceives the advantage in doing so e.g. beneficial, fulfillment, satisfaction or compulsion. The commitment is expressed through a ritual which reinforces the movement from what was wrong towards that which is right and better and reinforces solidarity with the group. Not all faiths have formal rituals but in Judaism the convert has to be immersed in water and if a male must be circumcised. The rituals mark the point of no turning back. The testimonies of the commitment are usually post-conversion confessions of the conversion ritual and process. According to Rambo (1990: 132) the point of surrender in committing to the new faith is the hardest to achieve and understand. To turn away from the old
towards the new is not easily achieved and in some cases may only occur in the transformation process after the conversion ritual through the process of self realization.
The consequence of religious conversion depends on the religious community's sense of evaluative criteria so as to determine whether the conversion was religious at all. It also includes determining whether the convert's life has changed, have they become committed adherents to their new faith, how their life has changed or did they remain in a state of stasis.
As such Rambo's model incorporates most of the theories that have been offered by scholars but he has aligned their theories and his suggestions to formulate a model that is more encompassing of conversion to all faiths and 'integrates the perspectives of anthropology, psychology, sociology and religious studies' (1990:
165). Furthermore the stages are not inflexible but can change according to the context of the conversion.