This chapter began by showing why ethnomethodology, its inherent weaknesses notwithstanding, was judged to be the best approach to test people's attitude towards ilobolo. Field data was assembled from three sources, a random sample of Pietermaritzburg African residents who were interviewed by journalists. Their views and comments were analysed, compared and contrasted with those of a
second source, a smaller sample of ten carefully selected informants. Thirdly, issues that emerged from two case histories were compared with findings obtained from the interviews.
During the interview process, the five themes which emerged formed the backdrop against which the case histories were analysed. In the first instance, the most vocal responses were those of male respondents. More importantly, these respondents deplored the inherent weaknesses of modern ilobolo, significantly none of them felt that ilobolo ought to be abolished. In both case studies, the negotiating parties consisted of males. In the Masuku-Mlima case, the bride's mother was present from the beginning most likely because her husband had died. However, she joined the negotiations towards the end. She, together with her brother, the bride's uncle, represented the Mlima family. In the second case, Mrs Ndlela only came during the second visit. We may thus conclude that the ilobolo negotiations are still very much a male dominated exercise.
Secondly, the general feeling by both male and female respondents was that most people sadly misunderstand the real purpose of ilobolo today. Therefore, thirdly, there is an urgent need to transform contemporary ilobolo so that it approximates as nearly as possible, its original intent of establishing and maintaining close family ties. In the Masuku-Mlima case the ilobolo was a bit excessive at Rl 7000.00. The groom was a recent graduate from a Bible seminary and not in a position to raise such a huge amount. During the tough negotiations, the bride's family reduced the figure substantially. They pointed out that had they known or if they had been informed of the groom's indigence, they could have asked for less. One got the
history, in the final analysis all understood that ilobolo is negotiable contract and its purpose is to establish and maintain good family relationships. Two female respondents, from among the twenty four interviewed, were adamant that ilobolo be abolished because, as they put it, neither wanted to be 'sold' when they got married or, in Queen's case when time came for her daughter to get married.
To a large extent, the informants' response to ilobolo and the law; ilobolo and the church and particularly the increasing compromised situation that men who fail or are unable to give ilobolo find themselves in, was that the practice should not be interfered with. They maintained that it was an ancient and sacrosanct custom.
Three of the informants linked the loboli-ng process to uniting both the living and their respective shades. This understanding characterised the first case history where the bride's uncle was a traditional healer, isangoma. Throughout the negotiation, he was dressed in special regalia that izangoma wear and was seated on the floor as is custom. It took quite some time for the bride's family to waive some of the ilobolo requirements ostensibly because doing so interfered with obligations to the shades. In the second case history the negotiations were easy from the very beginning. No animals were slaughtered, the two parties consisted of church people who shared a common freedom from traditional practices.
The role of the shades in the first case history touched on African cosmology and its impact on society generally and the urban communities in particular. In consequence, the next chapter on the theology of the cow will draw on insights of African theology in order to tease out the role played by amabheka or ilobolo beasts in marriage. In this study, we contend that the rituals of spilling of blood, the
uniting of the shades are the underlying reasons why ilobolo could have persisted to the present time and is likely to do so for the foreseeable future.
CHAPTER FIVE
A THEOLOGY OF THE BEAST 5.1 Introduction
Right at the very onset we wish to dispel any possible misunderstanding that might arise from the title of this chapter. It would be inaccurate to conclude from it that a cow or a beast is capable of doing theology. That is not the point. Much less do we want to suggest the existence of a lower brand of theology so simple that persons with a mental capacity equal to that of cattle can understand it. What we do hope to achieve, however in this section on the theology of the beast, is throw some light on the role that cattle played and still play in African people's understanding of, communication with, and relationship to God.
The chapter seeks to highlight one of Africa's key cultural heritages and demonstrates its deep socio-religious roots. Examining the work of selected African women theologians will highlight its complex nature. The chapter is crucial to the entire study in that it seeks to draw together strands from earlier discussion on Zulu self-understanding and the spirituality of marriage. In it we will explore the religious symbolism of cattle, their ownership and the central role they play in the rituals of purification and the bonding of African communities through marriage. All of the above will be viewed against the backdrop of a recognition and acknowledgement of the existence of a creator God, the mediatorial role of the
ancestors and their ownership of cattle held in trust for them by household heads and other community leaders. The chapter will also act as a bridge to enable me to move on to the next chapter on the interface of the gospel and culture.
In the South African context, and among AmaZulu, it is my contention that cattle or beast theology provides an interpretative key to understanding the persistence of ilobolo not only in the community selected for study, but in many others as well That kind of theology takes seriously its context and is likely to make a lasting impact on its recipients in that it deals with issues closest to the peoples concerned.
How such a theology works will be the topic of discussion in subsequent paragraphs.