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CENTRO ESCOLAR UNIVERSITY

Mendiola, Manila

Deconstructing Colonialism in Southeast Asia:

Danh tí

nh, Lipunan and Budaya”

WENDELL GLENN P. CAGAPE PhD in Southeast Asian Studies

Centro Escolar University

wendellglenncagape@gmail.com

wendscagape@gmail.com

Studies on Southeast Asian history are mostly filled with passages of the years of colonialism, something that takes centerstage in the affairs of the states in the region for one and only reason: affinity to the west.

Southeast Asia’s cauldron is characterized by its past and the legacy of the colonizers in its national psyche and sadly, as we note, its history has never been crafted with so much purity because all aspects of the ways of life of the people are altered by colonialists and its empires, even if they are oceans apart from the locus of our present academic discourse.

It is important to anchor our understanding of colonialism through our study of how it impacted peoples and cultures in Southeast Asia. Colonialism has come to the shores of Southeast Asia bringing tidings of economy and religion, of culture and knowledge. If we keep an eye foremost only on the benefits of it, we miss the point of critically introspecting ourselves in these latter days. Our choices now, from the way we dress, listen to music, watch TV sitcoms, read the newspaper, our ability to understand languages is in due part, a by-product of colonialism. This study will not attempt to reverse the tide that has already been a part of the societies of Southeast Asia, for doing it is impossible. What we intend to do is try to breakdown to pieces what has been the impacts of colonialism on our danh tính (identity), lipunan (society) and budaya (cultures).

Theoretically, this study submits to the principles of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak whose laudable work on the subaltern is an important footnote in our study of postcolonialism in Southeast Asia. Also, we anchor our arguments in Edward Said’s Orientalism and cross-refer the arguments of Michel Foucault.

This study attempts to piece together articles, views and write ups of scholars and researchers in the aspect of deconstructing colonialism and setting it in our discourse of postcolonialism.

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2 If one asked historians what causes colonialism and the common answers will always be economics. In the 19th century, most maritime advanced economies in Europe, namely Britain, France, Netherlands, Portugal and Spain are in competition to the new world, finding new places to pursue economic ties and discover. Voyages of discovery left their shores and armed with scribes and writers, laborers, oil and a motivation to see the new world. These embarkation to the new world found its way to Southeast Asia with much ardor.

Because they found their way towards Southeast Asia, they bring in trade. They bring in new knowledge and a concept of civilization. Kenneth R. Hall noted that “in the premodern world, the Southeast Asian region was initially portrayed in international sources as a land of immense wealth; developments there were thought to be of crucial importance to the entirety of world history in the pre-1600 period.” (Hall, 2011) Writers, travelers, sailors, merchants and officials from every continent of the Eastern Hemisphere knew of Southeast Asia’s exotic products, and by the second millennium of the Christian era, most were aware of its ports of trade and major political centers (Ibid, pg.3). It has become an immensely rich sub-region for the West primarily for its topographical and geographical backdrop and abundance.

Southeast Asians live in a sub-continent more clearly demarcated by nature than most. Its boundaries are formed by the collision of continental plates, the northwardmoving Australian and Indian plates, and the westward-moving Pacific plate, pushing upwards the chain of volcanic mountains that almost surrounded the region. Within these mountains lies the relatively stable Sunda shelf, which united Sumatra, Java and Borneo with the mainland during periods of low water level such as occurred about 18,000 years ago. As the world’s largest area of monsoonal humid tropics, it shared a patter of rainforest and water which provided a background for all economic and social activity of humans (Reid, 1995).

Although important to the eyes of the European powers, Southeast Asia played a crucial and important role of power balancing with East Asia, vis-à-vis India and China. In precolonial times, it can not be argued that there were evidence of disputes between then smaller tributaries and kingdoms. These is called the balance-of-power of Southeast Asia. Though the logic of balance-of-power was not immediately obvious at the regional level, it had played a crucial part in the sub-regional system of pre-colonial Southeast Asia. The centuries-old conflicts between Dai Viet and Champa, between Burma and Ayutthaya/Siam, and among various Sumatra and Javanese kingdoms all point to the importance of power balancing. Notably, the dynamics of sub-regional balancing was not isolated from the power structure of East Asia. Upon close examination, the article argues that the hierarchical regional order dominated by China and embedded in the tribute system was in many ways instrumental in bringing about balancing behavior in pre-colonial Southeast Asia (Shu, 2011). But this paper however, will not delve more on the tributary system that characterized much of Southeast Asia but the topic remains to be an important footnote in the precolonial times. It will not also discuss the Indic colonialism for India was the precursor to Eurocentric interests to Burma and Malaysia.

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3 were the first to arrive in Vietnam, and soon afterward French missionaries followed (Shackford & Jones, 2000). These French missionaries was one of “mission civiliatrice” that was supported by French intellectual. This was not merely missionaries to spread Christian religion but also to spread French hegemony in Vietnam. In that time French tried to capture world attention by spread their hegemony by colonialism. However, French seemingly drew an observation about Vietnamese that they were once relatively progressive and intelligent due to Chinese cultural influences, but of which had relapsed (Le, 2011).

The physical boundaries of Indonesia had been established by the Netherlands when they took over the many islands and made them into a single colony: the Netherlands East Indies. The present Indonesia was formerly named by the Dutch as “East Indies”. Why East Indies? As the popular colony of British was India, Indonesia was named after India. East Indies is a term referring to thirteen thousands islands located east of India. It is located in the South East Asian Archipelago. Sumatra, Java, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, Papua are among the five largest islands. Within these islands, there are more than 300 ethnic groups and 200 local languages (Vickers, 2005). The term Indonesia or East Indies which means “the islands of India” was given to the archipelago by a German ethnologist and has been used since 1884 (Vlekke, 1959).

In the Philippines, due in part to the flourishing trade of Acapulco and Manila, let us briefly discuss it. The Manila-Acapulco galleon trade is the more popular name of the Philippine-Mexico galleon trade. The ships were even called the Manila galleons. They were among the richest trade ships of its time, competing with the silver fleet of Peru and the India fleet of Portugal. On their way to New Spain, as Mexico was called then, the galleons' cargo holds were filled with silk, spices, porcelain, cotton, musk, wax, and curiosities of the East which were sold at very high prices in the fair in Acapulco. On the voyage back to Manila, it carried chestfuls of Mexican and Peruvian silver pesos, the huge earnings from the sale and the royal subsidy to the Philippine government. Even the subsidy was earned from the trade for greater a portion was the income from port duties paid by the galleons and sales taxes imposed on their merchandise (Ango, 2010).

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4 The Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade justified the continued colonialism of Spain in the Philippines through trade and commerce. This trade supports the claims of many historians that the causes of colonialism is primarily driven by economics.

This painter’s rendition of the port of Manila during the flourishing Galleon trade with Mexico evoked a sense of colonialist society, where Filipinos are seen wearing the Spanish-inspired clothing and presents a semblance of a busy port of any buzzling city of Spain. This trade, though driven in part by the hegemony of Spain in the pacific, benefitted colonial Filipino society which are evident in its society’s biases towards the mestizos and the landed elites have, since the Spanish colonization of the country, profited from this trade. Because the elites can study and be educated and improved their statuses of living, their Lipunan was conceptualized.

More so, the concept of a Filipino national community was initially verbalized in the 1880's by the ilustrados, the educated elite which emerged from the principalia class in native society after the educational reforms of 1863. This concept was a function of native response to colonial and ecclesiastical domination as well as the result of an interaction between the different social classes in the colonial society (Majul, 1978).

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5 In this artist’s cartoon editorial, in de feestdagen was emblazoned above the bordered piece. A quick Google translate entry yields an English translation of “in the holidays”. The editorial cartoon depicted an obese old man representing the Dutch colonizer while Indonesia was represented by this lowly, submissive, ashamed woman who wears a batik dress which symbolizes her danh tính. Her identity remains to be uninfluenced, but her lands and resources were spoils of the Dutch.

In the case of Viet Nam, the atrocities of the French is everywhere. As with most colonizers, violence and abuses on the locals happened and recorded in the annals of history.

This cartoon depicted the War of Tonkin where the French legionnaires killed Vietnamese and Chinese setters altogether. With very superior artillery and advantages of military training, the colonialism of Indochina spanned from Viet Nam to Laos and Cambodia. These onslaught at the locals whose affinity to the Chinese have effectively altered the budaya of the Vietnamese.

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6 Social identity formation follows the principle of Identity Control Theory of Peter J. Burke. It is based on the premise that the idea was formulated, based on traditional symbolic interaction views, that people choose behaviors, the meanings of which correspond to the meanings of their identity (Stets & Burke, 2005). By this vein, people in Southeast Asia, due largely to the years of colonialism have adapted to the new imposed identity by the colonizers. They have correspondingly set meanings to their identity based on the new, sophisticated and foreign identity which is totally different from their puritanical identities prior to the onslaught of the colonial rule. In this particular context, it supported the postcolonial subaltern theory of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak.

Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak wrote the Subaltern as she attacks the Eurocentric attitudes of the West. She rejects the idea that there is a precolonial past that we can recover. A nostalgia of lost origin, roots and native culture is flawed project because there is no ‘pure’ precolonial past to recover: it has been changed by colonialism (Praveen, 2016). And these arguments provided an impetus for scholars and academics to question world history and our place in it, along the parallel fault lines of Said’s Orientalism.

So what is the place of Southeast Asia in the context of World History? Considering of course, that most of the past collective history of the region is mired in colonialist recordings and anecdotal descriptions except for the case of Thailand. What is the limits of World History then as we deconstruct colonialism in Southeast Asia?

Ranajit Guha’s book History at the Limit of World History becomes an important reference on this analysis. He argued that from the point of view of those left out of World-history this advice amounts to condoning precisely such “world-historical deeds” – the rape of continents, the destruction of cultures, the poisoning of the environment –as helped “the great men who were the individuals of world history” to build empires and trap their subject population in what the pseudo-historical language of imperialism could describe as prehistory (Guha, 2002). He further stressed that “if limit, as defined by Aristotle, is “the first thing outside which there is nothing to be found and the first thing inside which everything is to be found”, its function may be understood as a signal of our attempt to explore the space beyond world-history (Ibid Pg. 7). And in this attempt to probe the limit of historical thinking we follow Wittgenstein. To draw a limit to thought, he says, “we should have to find both sides of the limit thinkable (ie we should have to be able to think what cannot be thought). Accordingly, in our move towards a thinking of historicality as what cannot be thought, we shall set out from that side of world-history “inside which everything is to be found”, taking the concept of “people without history” for our point of departure (Ibid p.8).

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7 The knowledge about the third world is always constructed with the political and economical interests of the west (Praveen, 2016).

In providing for the impetus of why knowledge is constructed in world-history, I shall cite

in toto the passages of Spivak (1993) as she discussed the events leading to the preservation of the history and culture of Hinduism and of India during the time of the British colonialism.

I locate here the founding of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1784, the Indian Institute at Oxford in 1883, and the analytic and taxonomic work of scholars like Arthur Macdonnell and Arthur Berriedale Keith, who were both colonial administrators and organizers of the matter of Sanskrit. From their confident utilitarian-hegemonic plans for students and scholars of Sanskrit, it is impossible to guess at either the aggressive repression of Sanskrit in the general educational framework or the increasing 'feudalization' of the performative use of Sanskrit in the everyday life of Brahmanic-hegemonic India. A version of history was gradually established in which the Brahmans were shown to have the same intentions as (thus providing the legitimation for) the codifying British: 'In order to preserve Hindu society intact [the] successors [of the original Brahmans] had to reduce everything to writing and make them more and more rigid. And that is what has preserved Hindu society in spite of a succession of political upheavals and foreign invasions.,]} This is the 1925 verdict of Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, learned Indian Sanskritist, a brilliant representative of the indigenous elite within colonial production, who was asked to write several chapters of a 'History of Bengal' projected by the private secretary to the governor general of Bengal in 1916. To signal the asymmetry in the relationship between authority and explanation (depending on the race-class of the authority), compare this 1928 remark by Edward Thompson, English intellectual: 'Hinduism was what it seemed to be ... It was a higher civilization that won [against it], both with Akbar and the English.”

In this, what is the collective danh tính of Southeast Asia? Do we really have a pure danh tính? According to Amitav Acharya of the American University in Washington DC, danh tính

(identity) is socially structured, combining instrumental logic with habit-forming socialization, norms, and institutions. Moreover, such identity building is not entirely divorced from cultural and historical ties but is reinforced by it. Simple proximity, historical ties, and shared culture are sufficient for identity (Acharya, 2017).

Our context of social danh tính follows the social identity theory of Heri Tajfel and John Turner. Its most fundamental assumption is that group behaviour is more than a collection of individuals behaving en masse. Instead, group behaviour is linked to the group’s psychological representation or social identity. Hence, social identity theory, or SIT, focuses less on how individuals operate within social groups and more on how social groups operate within the minds of individuals (Martini & Rubin, 2016).

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8 and Malaysia under the British rule, Laos, Viet Nam and Cambodia under the French, and further south, of Indonesia under the Dutch.

Lipunan which is Filipino word for society is the largest form of human group. It consists of people who share a common heritage and culture. Members of the society learn this culture and transmit it from one generation to the next. They even preserve their distinctive culture through literature, art, video recordings, and other means of expression (Schaefer, 2014).

Now, the question to be derived in our deconstruction of colonialism which impacted the

lipunan will have to be whether it gelled to Gemeinschaft or led to Gesellschaft. Gemeinschaft

describes a lipunan in a social order centered around tightly knit communities while Gesellschaft

portends social order centered around self-seeking individuals with little or no community sense (Inglis & Thorpe, 2012). Collectively, in Southeast Asia, lipunan is characteristically a

Gesellschaft which supported the arguments for the sustained ASEAN Identity. We have not yet attained a certain Gesellschaft. The distinction between communal relations and interest-based association goes back at least to Confucius, but it entered the emerging discipline of sociology in classic form in Ferdinand Toennies’s theoretical essay Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft. Tonnies explicitly treated the transition from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft in evolutionary terms, arguing that Gemeinschaft represented the childhood of humanity and Gesellschaft its maturity (Brint, 2001).

In supporting that the lipunan of Southeast Asia is of Gesellschaft, we look at contemporary times. Southeast Asia is no longer at the periphery—demographically, economically, or politically. Characterized by sprawling megacities and a densely settled countryside, it is hard to imagine that tigers were once a major threat to those who lived on the outskirts of large Southeast Asian cities. With wild animals banished to zoos, and even the once ubiquitous trishaws and bicycles almost gone, the major features of Southeast Asia cities are shopping malls, congested roadways, and pervasive smog arising from urban industries and motorized transport. The subsistence economies of the Southeast Asian past have grown into dynamic economic engines producing electronic goods, clothing and footwear, and household appliances for world markets. The economic, political, and strategic centrality of contemporary Southeast Asia is evident in the annual meetings of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the influential, quasi-political association of the region), which draw representatives from all the major industrial blocs in the world (Hirschman & Bonaparte, 2012).

Budaya is a Bahasa Indonesian word for culture.

So in our study of colonialism which impacted on culture in Southeast Asia, we will discuss of what has been left. Is there truly a pure cultural identity even if a nation is subjugated by a colonial power?

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9 Kipling’s often-quoted phrase, this noble mission required willingness to engage in “savage wars of peace” (Sebring, 2015).

Soon after the poem came out, there were pro-imperialist editorial cartoonists who took it upon themselves to interpret the poem and presented them in these situations. In the cartoon above, both Britain and America carry on their backs barbaric men and nations, those untouched by civilization, uneducated, non-white and ignorant people.

Cross-referencing on the subaltern by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, we ask: do they speak? Do they complain? Do they choose? Under the yoke of colonialism, these have not been given to the subjugated peoples because the colonial masters ensured that a new society comes out, along with a new identity – that is pro-western in all aspects.

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10 action by the few Chinese residents’ attempt to obtain political and social recognition within the framework of the government. Their fierce zeal in preserving the Islamic faith and Malay cultural patterns led the Malays to search for a modern identity which would enable them to hold their own against the non-Malays, and the powerful governmental machinery in the hands of the British (Khoo & Lo, 1977).

But in the case of Indonesia, it was a Dutch sponsored mechanism that ensure the thriving of their culture and affinity to farming with the subtle impact through rice cultivation for economic reasons and gains for Holland. The plan for the economic exploitation of Java was based on exploiting religious as well as social usage by making use of the adat of the common people towards their chiefs. What the government did was to utilize the traditional authority and prestige of the hereditary chiefs, that is that princely regents, district wedana and the desa heads, to order the people to work. In return these chiefs were allowed a proportionate share of the delivered crops (Khoo, 1970). This was highlighted by Professor Fraces Gouda in her Tedx talk in Roterdam.

These all are the backdrop in Southeast Asia except for the Philippines. There the Spanish Catholics, in their long reign, did indeed imprint a Western culture, it was altered in many ways but also strongly reinforced by a fresh and vigorous injection of American values from 1900 (Hunter, 1966). And to provide you with how much altered the Filipino culture and identity, one need not look beyond the gates of the University of Sto. Tomas in which one look up to a date “1624” and it will give u an idea of how altered and erased the Filipino budaya is. These imprints on the Filipino lipunan and budaya is manifested in the manner of clothing most Filipinos wore.

The following are artists’ rendition of the Filipino costume as taken from a reputable blog (BibliOdyssey, 2008).

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11 Deconstructing colonialism in Southeast Asia will require an introspection as a Filipino. For our ability to anchor our analyses on how our fellowmen view us in the colonial melee in contemporary times, I refer to the Fiesta paint of National Artist Carlos “Botong” Francisco which he did in 1946. This is one of his important body of works that adore museums in Manila.

Botong Francisco depicted what reality most Filipinos live during the fiesta in their barangays and portrays the central role of Catholicism as the raison d’etre of the celebration. Juxtaposing this to the locus of our history, it affirmed the submission to Spain and the colonial influence of the country and its people. The danh tính of the Filipinos as we speak is characteristically Eurocentric.

A survey of celebrations within the ASEAN of budaya and lipunan, the Philippines sets itself apart from the rest. It has shown cultural influences from the Chinese, the Spanish, Americans and the Japanese. It cuisine are replete with these colonial tastes which drives foreign gastronomic commercialism in the country in the modern and post-modern Philippine lipunan. The influx of foreign-sounding gastronomic delights stands proudly in comparison to the local delicacies which will only be displayed on fiestas and special commemorations.

So how does colonialism viewed by anthropologists?

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12 Ergo, in the case of Southeast Asia, colonialism was universal save for Siam and was driven primarily by the cogs of industrialization and civilization. It was religious, cultural and social domination which erases the danh tính of some nations and peoples in Southeast Asia. Reverting to the untouched Thailand in Southeast Asia, as we discuss its lipunan, it is essential to understand where it social structure came from. Bangkok became the capital of Thailand after 1767, but extensive urbanization and bureaucracy was only initiated by the reforms of King Mongkut (1851-1868) and to a greater extent, by King Chulalongkorn (1868-1910). After his death in 1910, Thailand has a working ministerial bureaucracy, whose higher civil servants, although still recruited largely from among the princes and members of the nobility, receive fixed salaries and had regulated working hours (Evers, 1966). This is the hallmark of its danh tính as a nation and people in Southeast Asia.

Purposely, this paper do not include the Indic colonialism by propagating civilization because it serves as a factual backdrop in all the interests of the western hemisphere on Southeast Asia and also, they were first colonized by Britain before it proceeded to coin the “orient” as a reference to Southeast Asia. Although it is noteworthy to reference E. M. Forster’s A Passage to India because it was critical to British rule in India. Its plot included the vicious rape of British girl Daphne Manners by a group of Indians. Her Indian boyfriend, Hari Kumar – educated at an English public school – is wrongly accused and cruelly interrogated by the policeman Ronald Merrick, thus providing the novel with a realistic central political metaphor for British India (Royle, 1989).

As we continue with our attempts at deeply reflecting on the colonial years that were our history, how will we cross-reference our experience with how Michel Foucault looked at colonialism. In afterthought though, Spivak and other postcolonial theorists attacked Foucault on his position on the issue.

In a 1976 lecture Foucault admitted that the techniques and weapons Europe transported to its colonies had a ‘boomerang’ effect on the institutions, apparatuses, and techniques of power in the West (Legg, 2007).

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13 In deconstructing colonialism in Southeast Asia, one should unearth the intention and magnify it in the light of social danh tính, lipunan, and budaya. In the 19th to the early 20th century, major superpowers and hegemons have engulfed Southeast Asia without us even knowing we were a subregion in the greater Asian context. When India was colonized, it has extended to farther inland to Burma but the race towards colonization and imperialism in Southeast Asia has started with Indonesia, Malaysia, Viet Nam, the Philippines, Laos and Cambodia and in all these, the colonizers are Europeans. Their worldview suddenly heightened by the discovery of the ‘orient’ and it feed into their consciousness that it is their obligation and duty to bring civilization to a rather uncharted territory whose subjects were uncivilized and barbaric.

By colonizing Southeast Asia, they have humiliated dragon asleep. They have altered the Chinese cultural influence in Viet Nam. They have, as depicted in this editorial cartoon by Puck, a pro-imperialist cartoonist, curtailed its cultural dominance in Southeast Asia. China, like India, is in Asia and therefore, the smaller states and kingdoms pay tribute to their Imperial Courts in Beijing. Though an old civilization, China was infiltrated by all major superpowers from the western hemisphere after the Boxer Rebellion which saw the influx of the eight-nation alliance composed primarily of the United Kingdom, Russia, France, Japan, Germany, United States, Italy, Austria-Hungary, and the Netherlands.

Embarrassing as it was, the Chinese Empress Cixi had to sign the Boxer Protocol in 7 September 1901 which provided for the execution of government troops who supported the Boxers, provisions of foreign troops in Beijing and payment of 450 million taels of silver – approximately $10 Billion at 2018 silver prices and more than the annual government tax revenue, as indemnity to the 8 nations involved.

This is a painful chapter in the colonization of Asia which draws a parallel line in the history of the colonialism which swept Southeast Asia. Both China and the smaller states and kingdom of Southeast Asia have been subjected to too much humiliation by the colonial masters from western hemisphere and that they were made as the reference point for an audacious orient and an image of diverse culture and tradition.

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14 to the pure Thai dance which resembles the parallel culture of both Laos and Cambodia. It has retained its budaya with much of the steps, costumes, make up and accessories attributed to the Thai lipunan.

A deconstruction of colonialism is not complete without understanding its impact to the

lipunan. A study was undertaken to ascertain he impact of colonialism in Africa and Asia and it revealed that in many regards, European colonialism between 1860 and 1960 left much deeper marks than traditional, usually tributary forms of domination. Where a long-term mise en valeur

was to be realized, infrastructure investment was huge, and labor migration from near and far significant. Some of the countries in the sample truly are creations of colonialism. There is no question that these “legacies” shape our world (Ziltener, Kunzler, & Walter, 2017).

In the end, colonialism have benefits far and beyond our shores, but the benefits also have repercussion to contemporary danh tính-forming, the evolution of the lipunan and the conservation of budaya across Southeast Asia.

Finally, I must ask: how colonial are you?

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References

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Building ASEAN Community: Political-Security and Socio-cultural Reflections (pp. 25-38). Manila: Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia.

Ango, J. D. (2010). The Cebu-Acapulco Galleon Trade. Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society , 147-173.

BibliOdyssey. (2008, August 25). Filipino Costumes . Retrieved from BibliOdyssey : http://bibliodyssey.blogspot.com/2008/08/filipino-costumes.html

Brint, S. (2001). Geimenschaft Revisited: A Critique and Reconstruction of the Community Concept.

Sociological Theory 19:1, 1-23.

Evers, H. D. (1966). The Formation of a Social Class Structure: Urbanization, Bureacratization and Social Mobility in Thailand . American Sociological Review, Vol. 31, 480-488.

Guha, R. (2002). History at the Limit of World History . New York : Columbia University Press. Hall, K. (2011). A History of Early Southeast Asia. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. .

Hirschman, C., & Bonaparte, S. (2012). Population and Society in Southeast Asia: A Historical Perspective . In L. Williams, & P. Guest, Demography of Southeast Asia. (pp. 1-37). New York: Cornell

University Press.

Hunter, G. (1966). South-East Asia - Race, Culture and Nation. New York: Oxford University Press . Inglis, D., & Thorpe, C. (2012). An Invitation to Social Theory . Cambridge : Polity Press.

Khoo, G. (1970). A History of South-East Asia since 1500. Singapore: Oxford University Press.

Khoo, G., & Lo, D. (1977). Asian Transformation . Kuala Lumpur : Heinemann Educational Books (Asia) Ltd.

Le, L. S. (2011). "Colonial" and "Postcolonial" Views of Vietnam's Prehistory . SOJOURN: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia Vol. 26, 128.

Legg, S. (2007). Beyond the European Province: Foucault and Postcolonialism. In J. W. Crampton, & S. Elden, Space, Knowledge and Power: Foucault and Geography (pp. 265-288). Aldershot : Ashgate Publishing Ltd. .

Majul, C. A. (1978). Principales, Illustrados, Intellectuals and the Original Concept of the Filipino National Community . Second National Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia (pp. 1-20). Sydney: University of New South Wales.

Martini, S. E., & Rubin, M. (2016). Towards a Clearer Understanding of Social Identity Theory’s Self

-Esteem Hypothesis . In S. McKeown, R. Haji, & N. Ferguson, Understanding Peace and Conflict through Social Identity: Contemporary Global Perspectives (pp. 19-32). New York: Springer. Mignolo, W. (2009). Epistemic Disobedience, Independent Thought and De-Colonial Freedom. Theory,

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16 Pels, P. (1997). The Anthropology of Colonialism: Culture, History and the Emergence of Western

Governmantality . Annual Review Anthropology , 163-183.

Praveen, A. V. (2016). Postcolonialism: Edward Said and Gayatri Spivak. Research Journal of Recent Sciences , 47-50.

Reid, A. (1995). Humans and forest in pre-colonial Southeast Asia. Environment and History 1, 93-110. Royle, T. (1989). The Last Days of the Raj . London: Penguin Group.

Schaefer, R. (2014). Sociology Matters 6th Ed. New York: McGraw Hill.

Sebring, E. (2015, July 9). Civilization & Barbarism: “The White Man’s Burden” (1898–1902). Retrieved from Global Research : https://www.globalresearch.ca/civilization-barbarism-the-white-mans-burden-1898-1902/5461424

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Shu, M. (2011). Balancing in a Hierarchical System: Pre-Colonial Southeast Asia and the Tribute System.

Waseda Global Forum No. 8, 227-256.

Spivak, G. C. (1993). Can the Subaltern Speak? In P. Williams, & L. Chrisman, Colonial Discourse and Postcolonial Theory (pp. 66-111). New York: Columbia University Press.

Stets, J. E., & Burke, P. J. (2005). New Directions in Identity Control Theory . In S. Thye, & E. J. Lawler,

Social Identification in Groups (pp. 43-64). Oxford : Elsevier Ltd.

Vickers, A. (2005). A History of Modern Indonesia . New York : Cambridge University Press.

Vlekke, B. H. (1959). NU Santara: A History of Indonesia . The Hague and Bandung : W. van Hoeve Ltd. Ziltener, P., Kunzler, D., & Walter, A. (2017). Measuring the Impacts of Colonialism: A new Data Set for

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