Non-Muslim Voices on Halal Certification:
From Sectoral-Religious Tendencies to State-Mandated Regulations
B.J. Sujibto1, Fakhruddin M2
1Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta, Indonesia (email: [email protected])
2Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional (BRIN), Indonesia (email: [email protected])
Abstract
In recent years, halal food and products have been expanding into the global economy, and today's halal market is estimated around USD 2.4 trillion globally. This article discusses the understanding and articulation of halalness and halal certification among non-Muslim business communities in Indonesia, focusing on owners of small and medium enterprises (SMEs). Their voices need to be heard and responded to, especially by government agencies. Since the non- Muslim communities’ understanding of halalness is mostly based on their life experiences, it could be treated as empirical data to inform policy-making. Meanwhile, the government has issued Halal Product Assurance (JPH) Law 33/2014, which mandated the establishment of the Halal Product Assurance Organizing Agency (BPJPH). The enforcement of JPH Law is an attempt to strengthen the BPJPH’s position, but it faces challenges and conflicts of interest in politics and business. Using a qualitative approach to collect data from non-Muslim SME business players in Yogyakarta and Semarang, this study found that the articulation and understanding of halalness are narrowly sectoral, religious, and ideological. Rather than halal certification, the Indonesian Food and Drug Authority (BPOM) has become a more trusted certification. Therefore, the presence of the state is needed to regulate and optimize the fundamental aspects of halal certification, such as hygiene, cleanliness, and health.
Keywords:
halal products; non-muslim articulation; SMEs; the presence of the state Introduction
The implementation of Halal Product Assurance (JPH) Law 33/2014 mandated the establishment of a new government agency under the Ministry of Religious Affairs called the Halal Product Assurance Organizing Agency (BPJPH), but the halal certification and all the relevant discourses were considered sectoral and partial (Jamil et al., 2017; Suparto et al., 2016). Therefore, the institution’s legitimacy is being questioned. However, the previous halal certification system was no less problematic. This was previously managed solely by an independent institution under the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI), the only authority issuing halal certification in
ISSN 1410-4946 (Print), 2502-7883 (Online) https://doi.org/10.22146/jsp.67792
Indonesia (Iswanto & Koeswinarno, 2020).
Some believe that the institution “is highly unregulated, and the MUI has been prone to corruption with no regulatory measures to hold the council accountable,” (Mizuno, 2021).
An underlying cause of this is the absence of alternative state agencies, which should be able to challenge and control its monopoly. MUI’s power was unchallenged because its decision is considered an unofficial law (Hosen, 2012);
for example, when a company applies for halal certification, MUI may decline, and it will be hard to make an appeal. For this reason, following JPH Law 33/2014, the government institutionalized its power to regulate the halal certification process and serve the public from
all religious backgrounds while demonstrating a commitment to protecting Muslim consumers.
The halal certification aims to serve the interests of Muslims and support them in practicing their religious teachings (Koeswinarno, 2020; Hong et al., 2020; Al-Kwifi et al., 2019). From the producer’s point of view, halal certification can help large manufacturers achieve a wider distribution of consumer products (Mohayidin & Kamarulzaman, 2014), especially in Muslim countries. The global demand for halal products continues to rise, hence, the demand for halal certification.
Interestingly, the global halal industry as a whole is estimated to be worth around USD2.3 trillion (excluding Islamic finance) a year, and is now one of the fastest growing markets (Azam
& Abdullah, 2020). For example, the tourism industry is developing rapidly, including among international Muslim travelers. This raises the demand for halal food, and the industry players strive to meet the demand because the availability affects the travelers’
intentions to revisit, length of stay, and the type of accommodation chosen (Mannaa, 2020).
With such as rising trend, as a country with a Muslim majority, Indonesia could take the lead in managing and organizing the global standard of halal foods (Tjitroresmi & Suhodo, 2014).
Since halal food demands rise together with the fast-growing consumer-goods industries, halal certification is no longer a religious issue but is also a business and market concern (Borzooei & Asgari, 2013). Previous studies on halal standardization show that the global interest in providing halal products was aimed at gaining a market share by appealing to more consumers (Ismail & Nasiruddin, 2014; Tieman
& van Nistelrooy, 2014; Nurrachmi, 2017).
A study in Malaysia shows that most non- Muslims purchased food products with the halal certificate for health reasons (Golnaz et al., 2010). Consumers purchased from Muslim stores because they believed the products were
fresh, safe, and infection-free. This preference especially surged after an outbreak of deadly diseases, such as the bird flu virus and mad cow disease (Latif et al., 2014).
Non-Muslims’ understanding of halal products affects their attitude positively, which then affects their intention to purchase. This trend has been observed not only in a Muslim majority, such as Indonesia and Malaysia (Ibrahim & Adinugraha, 2020; Divianjella et al., 2020; Wibowo & Ahmad, 2016; Mathew et al., 2014), but also in non-Muslim-majority countries such as Thailand (Nawawi et al., 2017; Abdul, 2014), Japan (Yamaguchi, 2019), China, India, the Philippines, Brazil, America, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia (Mannaa, 2020; Thamrin & Virgianita, 2018; Abdul, 2014).
Golnaz pointed out, “non-Muslim Russians made purchases from Muslim stores because they believed the products were fresh, safe and infection-free, and they were confident that Muslims would be adherent,” (Golnaz et al., 2010).
This article discusses the understanding and articulation of non-Muslim communities of halalness, represented by small and medium- sized enterprises (SMEs) in Indonesia. Data from the Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) show that the food and beverage industry is the leading sector with a significant contribution to the gross domestic product (Mubarok & Imam, 2020). However, past studies have not discussed in-depth SME players’ experiences despite their major contribution to the country's economic growth. Therefore, this article aims to 1) map the perception and articulation of non-Muslim SME business players about halal certification, and 2) analyze the communal and cultural context that underlies their understanding and acceptance. Answering these questions can generate a typology map and increase the understanding of the perception of halal certification, which is essential as it has become an integral part of society's political, social, and religious systems.
This article departs from the statement that “products that enter, circulate, and are traded in the territory of Indonesia must be halal-certified,” (Article 4, JPH Law 33/2014). It is clearly understood that consumer products, such as food and beverage suitable for Muslim consumers, should be halal-certified, particularly when their origins or production processes are unknown (Abdallah et al., 2021). With the enforcement of halal law, many consumer products and related services are required to be halal-certified before being distributed to the market. This certification includes an assessment of the processing and procurement of materials. The ultimate aim of the certification is not only to fulfill the local market’s demand in a Muslim-majority country but may also to convince international partner agencies to trade and distribute halal consumer products (Billah et al., 2020; Ayyub, 2015; Aziz & Chok, 2013; Jia &
Chaozhi, 2021). An official government agency such as BPJPH under the Ministry of Religious Affairs has strategic role in facilitating halal certification for enterprises and individuals in Indonesia who wish to obtain halal certificates.
Literature Review The Concept of Halal
The concept of halal or halalness stems from religious teaching, which shapes the feelings and attitudes of Muslims toward products, services, and practices, as well as guides their consumption patterns (Annabi
& Ibidapo-Obe, 2017). Halalness fulfillment is obligatory before a Muslim can consume food products (Ali et al., 2017). The word ‘halal’ is derived from the verb ‘halla,’ meaning lawful, legal, or permitted (for Muslims), whereas the antonym of halal is ‘haram,’ which means forbidden, which includes anything prohibited under Islamic Law (Annabi & Ibidapo-Obe, 2017). The foundation that guides Muslims on halalness is clearly stated in the Quran, “O you who believe! Eat of the good things (toyyib) that We have provided you with, and give thanks
to Allah if He is that you serve,” (Al-Baqarah 2: 172), “And eat of what Allah provided for you [which is] lawful and good. And fear Allah, in whom you believe,” (Al-Maidah 5:
88). Many other verses in the Quran state the same principle.
The verses imply two conditions to be satisfied before food is considered proper for consumption: halal (permitted) and tayyib (good). Halalness also requires systematic processing of food ingredients along the supply chain. This means traceability needs to be applied in all stages, from production and processing to distribution, involving suppliers, producers, logistics, and end users (Ab Rashid
& Bojei, 2019). Therefore, halal certification requires food processes and standards to adhere to the Islamic regulations on sanitation and slaughtering, which include 1) cleanliness, safety, hygiene, nutrition, quality, reliability, and honesty in the pre-production, production, and administration of food items, and 2) proper financing and social practices (Billah et al., 2020). Research has shown that such emphasis on cleanliness and safety may attract non-Muslim consumers and influence their intention to purchase (Aziz & Chok, 2013).
The awareness and understanding of halal products have expanded from religious aspects to safety and hygiene. In other words, the consumption of halal foods among non- Muslims can be attributed to their perception of the advantages for mental and physical health (Khalek & Ismail, 2015). Since halal food conforms to the principles of food hygiene set by Islamic teaching, the products are considered safer for consumption (Nurrachmi, 2017). For example, the method of slaughtering animals needs to be precise for the meat products to be considered lawful and halal (Billah et al., 2020). Anything in a grey area, doubtful, non-permissible, non-familiar, and unknown attributes in halalness are considered ‘Shubhah’
(i.e., conflicting, contradictory, doubtful, or questionable) (Akhtar et al., 2020).
Non-Muslims’ understanding of halalness Understanding and perception have been captured in many studies, mostly using qualitative approaches by observing living experiences and phenomena. In Indonesia, the increasing awareness of multiculturalism has prompted research to explore non-Muslim business players’ understanding of halalness.
The findings may affect how the government and business players approach the halal law.
In the global context, the Islamic Food and Nutrition Council of America reported that many non-Muslims are inclined to choose halal food products because of their health perception. Religion, safety, convenience, and marketing are among the factors that non- Muslims consider in deciding on a halal food purchase (Ismail & Nasiruddin, 2014). Non- Muslim consumers perceive halal foods to be prepared in the highest quality standard (Riaz
& Chaudry, 2004) in the most hygienic way (Mathew et al., 2014) to achieve optimal safety (Rezai et al., 2012).
H o w e v e r , u n d e r s t a n d i n g s a n d articulations of halalness among non-Muslim communities vary. Although some consider halal food to be safe (Rezai et al., 2012) and trustworthy (Yamaguchi, 2019), wholesome, and healthy (Abdul, 2014), some view halal- labeled food products merely from a religious perspective (Rezai et al., 2012). They believe that the purpose of halal law is for food producers to maintain ethical consideration in their business activities (Haque et al., 2015).
Those who live in Muslim communities also understand that Muslims require their food to be halal (Rezai et al., 2012), which is observable in multicultural countries such as Indonesia and Malaysia. People’s understanding and perception of halal consciousness are rooted in socio-environmental factors such as multi- culturalism, inter-faith exposure (Rezai et al., 2012), and acculturation (Wibowo & Ahmad, 2016).
The issuance of JPH law
The issuance of the Halal Product Assurance Organizing Agency (BPJPH) under JPH Law 33/2014 aims to legitimate the government’s position to organize the halal certification process and provide guarantees for the safety and security of food and beverage products. With this law, the government has the authority to assess halalness and issue certification by adhering to Islamic rules, as described in Articles 1 and 2 of the implementation of JPH: 1) protection, 2) justice; 3) legal assurance, 4) accountability and transparency, 5) effectiveness and efficiency, and 6) professionalism. The BPJPH is mandated to manage halal certification, which was previously managed by the Assessment Institute for Foods, Drugs, and Cosmetics under the Indonesian Ulema Council (LPPOM-MUI) through the Decree of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, No. 519 of 2001 concerning the Implementing Agency for Halal Food Inspection.
Therefore, the halal certification under the BPJPH is no longer a sectoral and partial domain of Islam, but it has become law to be implemented following the official procedures and regulations. The government's commitment to streamlining halal certification and accommodating business players is shown in the effort to gain people’s trust. The JPH law has become a public domain for all citizens needing halal certification, so its enforcement is mandatory. The institutions and agencies involved in the halal certification process include 1) applicants, i.e., manufacturers and SMEs; 2) the BPJPH mandated by the government; 3) LPH; and 4) the MUI Fatwa Committee. However, the gap between the policy and practice was that JPH mandated the BPJPH to issue halal labels/certificates independently without The Indonesian Food and Drug Authority (BPOM) (Koeswinarno, 2020).
Methods
Following the regulation stated in JPH Law 33/2014, the government should provide equal opportunities for all citizens regardless of their backgrounds, ideologies, and religious beliefs.
Accordingly, as a representation of the state structure with guaranteed neutrality, BPJPH can accommodate the needs and aspirations of all Indonesian people. The practice is no longer limited to the religious domain but expanded to formal state structures, i.e., a common regulation for Indonesian people.
This study focuses on the understanding of halal certification among non-Muslim SME business players. Chesbrough defined SMEs as businesses with unique categories and limitations, such as size, focus, business specialization, entrepreneurial persons, and speed (Maksum et al., 2020; Hamdani &
Wirawan, 2012). This study focuses on three characteristics: business size, niche, and entrepreneurial orientation. Data were analyzed using a qualitative approach to discover the experiences of halalness and halal certification emerging from the communal and cultural lives of non-Muslim business players. The primary data were collected through observation and semi-structured in-depth interviews. In addition, documents related to the perception, articulation, and understanding of non-Muslim communities about halal products were collected to complement the primary data, including annual reports and news.
We conducted observations and semi- structured in-depth interviews between April and May 2021 in Yogyakarta and Semarang.
These locations were selected because of their multicultural social, cultural, and religious backgrounds (Depari & Setiadi, 2014). Twelve informants were selected from the two locations, with their identities being kept anonymous.
Seven informants were from Yogyakarta, with the initials BIS, MYAPG, A, NLP, GR, EF, and YN, and five were from Semarang, with the initials EB, S, MSN, DAU, and BC. The inclusion
criteria were non-Muslim and running small and medium-sized enterprises. The results of observations and in-depth interviews were recorded based on categories according to the interview guidelines.
Selecting key informants is important for collecting reliable information and statements to represent a group (Maxwell, 2013;
Alasuutari. et al., 2008; Marshall, 1996). We also considered their gender and age to obtain more diverse perspectives and articulations. The collected data were analyzed using descriptive qualitative following Maxwell’s scheme (2013), with three main stages: 1) analytic memos, 2) categorizing (coding and thematic analysis), and 3) connecting (such as narrative analysis).
The memos aim to obtain a general overview through methodological reflection (such as method and theory) and experiences in the field with participants. The categorization put the data of the articulation and understanding of halal products, responses, and suggestions into groups. Finally, the connecting strategies address data more contextually and holistically, rather than fragmenting these and sorting the data into categories, i.e., the relationships between the transcripts and field notes.
For theoretical purposes, the collected data are approached using the theory of symbolic interactionism postulated by an American sociologist, George Herbert Mead, and his student Herbert Blumer, to see how non-Muslim business players understand the symbols and meanings of halal products and how they respond to it (Carter & Fuller, 2015). In addition, the concepts of asceticism and pieties by Marx Weber are also used to observe the relationship between religion and business values (commercialism) (Weber, 2001; Westergren, 2020), as this perspective can sharpen the discussion.
Results
The understanding and articulation of halalness by non-Muslim business players could be classified into three categories: 1) religion and
business interests, 2) the competitive advantage of halal certification over BPOM certification, and 3) the polemic within MUI and the current trends expressed by non-Muslim communities about halal issues. A detailed explanation of each category is presented below.
Religious and Business Interests
The discourse of halal has sparked debates in religion and business domains. From the religious point of view, most SME non-Muslim business players consider halalness the Muslims’
sectoral aspiration. The demand for halal products comes primarily from Muslims who require halal status in their consumption. If there is no halal label, people will be hesitant to buy, especially Muslims (EB, Semarang, interviewed on 7 May 2021). Meanwhile, non-Muslims whose business is not in the food or beverage sector believe it has no significant implication because their religions do not impose halalness rules (GR, Yogyakarta, interviewed on 27 April 2021). In other words, when viewed from the sectoral-religious perspective, halal products are no different from any other issues exclusively relevant to Muslim groups.
As a non-Muslim, I don’t hesitate to accept the regulation on halal certification issued by either MUI or the state. The objective is of course to ensure that our products are accepted by wider customers in the market.
Anyway, selling products which are not halal means that the consumers have obviously been identified and segmented, those who are non- Muslims. In my community, it's absolutely about personal matters…
to eat or not to eat [food product with pork or dog meat] is not a problem in our belief (NLP, Yogyakarta, interviewed on 27 April 2021).
Since the majority of the population in Indonesia is Muslim, business players prioritize halalness because they want to produce consumer
products that suit the needs of the Muslim majority. The Muslim majority in Indonesia emphasizes the importance of halalness in choosing a product (NLP & GR, Yogyakarta, interviewed on 27 April 2021). Hence, producers need to consider this in their business strategies. In addition, halal certification proves that a product is safe and suitable for health (A, Yogyakarta, interviewed on 15 April 2021). Understanding halalness values other than piety, such as health and hygiene, has proven that acceptance is not solely of religious interest.
Business interests are also determinants in obtaining halal certification because business players need to broaden the market and build partnerships with private and public companies. In this case, business and economic aspects become the main purposes for fulfilling the halalness conditions in line with religious values and other administrative requirements.
With the rapid development of halal tourism in recent years, the demand for halalness and halal certification has also increased. This is because the conduct of halal tourism must comply with Islamic teaching to expand and be accepted by the wider community. Prior to the issuance of JPH Law 33/2014, MUI was previously the sole provider of halal certification. Their practices were claimed to be sectoral-religious, but in fact, they catered to business interests as well (GR, Yogyakarta, interviewed on 27 April 2021).
Personally, I don’t care about halal certification… who issued it and for what. The important thing is that no party is bothered and constrained by it. As a business player, I have segmented buyers too, those who are not problematizing halalness. Since I sell non-halal food, the customers have already known about it and no need to explain (BC, Semarang, interviewed on 7 May 2021).
The latest controversial issue of halalness involved beverage products, the Chatime bubble
tea, whose halal logo was questioned by some customers. Shortly after the viral sensation, GR argued that it was purely the business interest of MUI (Yogyakarta, interviewed on 27 April 2021). The management must have been forced to obtain halal certification and put detailed halal information on the website (chatime.co.id, accessed on 30 June 2021). The importance of halal status in Muslim society has often encouraged business players to obtain halal certification, which is often synonymous with the placement of halal logos on consumer products.
BPOM and Halal Certification
When comparing the urgency of halal certification and BPOM certification, the informants did not consider halal certification as important as BPOM since the former is completed to comply with a religious order.
They firmly believe BPOM certification is more important than halal certification because BPOM concerns the health aspects of food and beverage products. Therefore, a product will be considered legitimate if it passes the BPOM’s procedures.
The business players also believe that compliance with BPOM lessens the burden of obtaining the halal certification of their products. They did recognize the importance of halal certification, but their comments on halal status ranged from ambiguous to conditional. In other words, halal status is not mandatory to obtain and depends on whose interests are to be served.
Products which are certified halal are generally sought and consumed by Muslims, but not all products should be labeled by halalness. We, society, have different beliefs and understand what food and drink should be consumed. For me, all the products labeled by BPOM are safe to consume (MNS, Semarang, interviewed on 6 May 2021).
One informant expressed that they did not pay much attention to halalness as long as the
health aspects are fulfilled to provide common services to all citizens (YN, Yogyakarta, interviewed on 19 April 2021). Meanwhile, through their experiences selling consumer products to the Muslim society in Yogyakarta and Semarang, the informants concluded that buyers and customers did not check out a product’s halal label or find information about the status of halalness from the seller. From their daily experiences, the informants ensured that the aspects controlled by the government (through BPOM) were the health aspects.
However, when it comes to serving Muslim consumers, halal certification is an obligation that cannot be negotiated (EF, Yogyakarta, interviewed on 20 April 2021).
My job is only about selling products and I didn’t understand much about halalness. I focus on selling fashion products, cosmetics and supplements for energy and sexual stamina. In order to consume food products safely, I agree with halal certification but for them -Muslims- only. In my experience, it is enough if the products are labeled by BPOM and consumers normally think of them as healthy and safe (DAU, Semarang, interviewed on 6 May 2021).
BPOM certification is deemed sufficient for consumer products because it already satisfies food safety and impacts human health (MNS, Semarang, interviewed on 6 May 2021). Unfortunately, the public discourse on halalness has not always been associated with health concerns. Instead of putting halalness as complementary to health concerns, the narrow understandings and sectoral-religious tendencies have reduced the definitions, which cover health aspects such as cleanliness, hygiene, and nutrition. This comprehensive coverage of the halalness concept is not well disseminated to society, so they do not understand that it also highlights health
concerns. The non-Muslim SME business players also prefer BPOM certification because it is issued by a state agency (DAU, Semarang, interviewed on 6 May 2021).
From MUI to the state agency
MUI had assessed products and issued halal certification before JPH Law 33/2014 was implemented, but some non-Muslim SME business players did not even know which institution was issuing the halal certification.
One informant in Semarang did not know that halal certification was issued by the MUI.
Meanwhile, in Yogyakarta, three out of five informants knew that halal certification was issued by MUI, but they misunderstood that MUI was an official and public institution under the state's formal structure. The fact that halal certification was previously monopolized by an independent body, i.e., MUI, was news to them. They came to understand that the state now handles halalness through a formal agency under the Ministry of Religious Affairs.
MUI’s track record of issuing controversial fatwas that triggered public debate and concerns has left a mark on most Indonesians’ psyche.
These experiences reside in BIS’ memory, who gave harsh comments about the existence of MUI as an ideological and sectoral party. BIS unequivocally rejected MUI decisions because MUI often issued controversial fatwas that jeopardized the national integration, such as when discriminating against Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (BIS, Yogyakarta, interviewed on 15 April 2021).
For me, the state must regulate the halal certification by considering the procedures which are easy, cheap, and accessible for SMEs. It is also important to measure their capacity in paying the cost of halal certification. Besides, the health aspects must be prioritized and hygiene as well (YN, Yogyakarta, interviewed on 14 April 2021).
With these various opinions and comments expressed by SME business players, the government should enforce the application of JPH Law 33/2014. The state should carry out halal certification, not an independent institution like the MUI. The state must be present to serve all the people so that halal certification is not partial and partisan anymore (YN, Yogyakarta, interviewed on 14 April 2021).
The presence of the state in regulating halalness status is considered in favor of the common needs of the people. With regard to potential halal product certification in the future, they all hope that the process will be more straightforward in terms of management and costs so that all business actors, especially SMEs, can access the services easily. This is because business players, especially micro and small enterprises, have previously complained about the complicated and expensive procedures to obtain halal certification (Akhlas, 2020).
Discussion
Compromising religious and business interests
The existence of halal products proves that economic and business activities or any forms of commercialism are not only about mundane and materialistic issues but also about asceticism and religious values. Some people may still view business and religious activities as separate, with businesses pursuing profits and religion restraining materialistic interests. Referring to Weber, this perspective questions when business activities will ever be synergized with the practices of piousness among religious people (Weber, 2001; Turner, 2010).
Halalness articulations can be viewed from the perspective of religion and business.
Firstly, the sectoral-religious perspective reveals that piety and Muslims’ interests are the main drivers of seeking halal certification (Borzooei & Asgari, 2013). The SME non- Muslim business players had this narrow
understanding because of the lack of halalness knowledge (Rezai et al., 2012). The perception is that halalness in Indonesia is a sectoral and ideological issue that facilitates the Muslim communities, so the non-Muslim communities feel that they are not bound to it. The ideological and sectoral tendencies regarding halal issues are contested by non- Muslim communities. Such experiences are formed through continuous social processes, in underlying meanings and symbols, which then influence their social actions to halal discourses and products. These sectoral-religious articulations have naturally been embedded as anthropological and phenomenological experiences internalized in social practices. In other words, the understanding and articulation of halalness among non-Muslim communities are constructed through social contexts and life experiences. With the interaction within the social milieu, the articulation of the non-Muslim SME business players towards halalness is unique (sui generis) and continuously created and recreated through interpreting processes to form a specific social order (Carter & Fuller, 2015; Chamberlain-Salaun et al., 2013).
Secondly, from the business perspective, halal certification has been considered an economic interest and commercialism (Haque et al., 2015). Business orientation is often synonymous with capitalism, and halalness is sought after mainly to attract Muslim customers.
With this trend, halal certification could be a significant part of Indonesia's economic growth and marketing decisions. For that reason, halal certification should not be burdensome for businesses. Agencies and stakeholders involved in the process controlled by the government could cooperate to make procedures and regulations more accessible. Optimizing the use of technology could be one of the solutions. Also, w the presence of the state, halal certification could be optimized by adhering to sound procedures that do not only emphasize the religious aspects to assess food safety.
Therefore, the two perspectives should be integrated in order to increase the halalness added value in the public domain, covering both religious and business interests. This could be a way for stakeholders and state agencies to convince the public. Striving a balance between piousness and business interests seems to be the best way to move forward. As Weber put it, the interpretation of world religions produced a distinction between ‘ideal’ and
‘material’ interests (Lizardo & Stoltz, 2018), which directly govern humans’ conduct in social life. Accordingly, halalness aspects contested by relevant stakeholders should be recognized as the most crucial considerations in approaching Indonesia's social and religious domains.
Maximizing the roles of the state agency The presence of the state through a formal legal mechanism that regulates halal certification is a powerful approach grounded in righteousness and commercialism. This should be followed by reinforcement of the state’s position in the public sector to ensure that halal certification is available for all citizens. The regulation has been legitimized in a formal law to immediately serve certification demands regardless of ideological background.
This will benefit not only business players but also the public in consuming food and beverage products. At the same time, the legitimation using JPH can also ensure that Muslim societies in Indonesia are supported to practice their religious teachings (Koeswinarno, 2020).
It is also crucial for the state to remain neutral in implementing religion-related policies and avoid partiality, such as the MUI, whose fatwas and comments have often been questioned, particularly by non-Muslim communities. The establishment of the BPJPH under the Ministry of Religious Affairs should also be strengthened to achieve two goals.
First, the state can function as a unitary actor in advocating issues related to halalness without apprehension or hesitation. Second, the public
can control the practices of halal certification and its budgeting. Public trust in state agencies such as the BPJPH under the JPH Law 33/2014 is a capital that the state should protect to maintain the public interest in halal certification and halal practices in general.
Conclusion
This article concludes that the articulation of halal certification expressed by non-Muslim SME business players has focused mostly on religious aspects, resulting in the sectoral and ideological tendencies embedded in the public’s collective memories. Accordingly, they tend to choose BPOM certification over halal certification because halal is not directly affect them and their non-Muslim community.
This indicates that knowledge on other aspects of halalness, such as hygiene and health, has not been disseminated well enough among society. At this point, this article has provided evidence of the public assumption about halalness, which is ideological and religious. The presence of the state through halal law enforcement should be carried out appropriately to accommodate halal certification demand from the Indonesian business players and manufacturers to ensure that their products meet the customers’ needs.
This study clarifies the conceptual contribution of the comprehensive halal notion, namely, meeting social standards of hygiene, cleanliness, and health. To reduce the misconception about halalness, the public should be educated about the aspects of hygiene, cleanliness, and health, embedded in the halal concept. In other words, the state should consider Indonesian society's diverse and multicultural backgrounds.
Finally, it should be noted that this article has limitations in terms of regions and informants. The collected data were analyzed based on specific and contextual bases, which cannot be generalized to other contexts.
However, this should open an opportunity for
further research. In addition, future research will also benefit from the comparison of different backgrounds with respect to other categories and typologies. We recommend conducting research with a wider location and more diverse informants representing the non- Muslim communities in Indonesia.
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