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WAKIL PRESIDEN BOEDIONO DAN MENTERI
KEUANGAN SRI MULYANI INDRAWATI
KEMUNGKINAN BESAR LOLOS DARI JERAT PANITIA ANGKET BANK CENTURY. LOBI INTENSIF HINGGA DETIK TERAKHIR,
TIDAK mudah menyamakan isi kepala sembilan orang. Apalagi jika mereka mewakili sembilan kepentingan politik yang berbeda. Kamis pekan lalu, rapat tim kecil panitia khusus penyelidikan bailout Bank Century, di Hotel Santika, Slipi, Jakarta Barat, tak bisa menemukan kata sepakat Padahal, dua jam lebih mereka berembuk, merumuskan laporan final Panitia Angket yang akan dibacakan dalam Rapat Paripurna Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Selasa pekan ini.
"Dibolak-balik, tetap saja tidak ketemu," kata politikus Fraksi Partai Persatuan Pembangunan,
VICE PRESIDENT BOEDIONO AND FINANCE MINISTER SRI MULYANI INDRAWATI ARE LIKELY TO FAREWELL IN THE FINAL DECISION OF THE BANK CENTURY INQUIRY SPECIAL COMMITTEE. INTENSIVE LOBBYING IS BEING DONE UP TO THE FINAL MOMENTS. It is not easy to get nine people to think along the same lines, especially if they represent nine different political interests. On Thursday last week, at a meeting of a team of representatives of the special committee to investigate the Bank Century bailout case, at Santika Hotel, in West Jakarta, no agreement was reached. They met for more than two hours, formulating the final report of the DPR's Bank Century Special Inquiry Committee, which was to be read at the DPR Plenary Session on Tuesday this
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Muhammad Romahurmuziy, saat dihubungi akhir pekan lalu. Mereka baru bubar setengah jam lepas tengah malam.
Agenda rapat malam itu memang bukan soal sederhana. Mereka harus menyatukan sedikitnva empat kubu pendapat menjadi satu laporan tunggal untuk disikapi 560.anggota parlemen dalam rapat paripurna pada Rabu, 3 Maret. Semula mereka berusaha berkompromi agar Panitia Angket bulat bersikap. Tapi gradasinya terlalu lebar, tidak mungkin disamakan." kata Romahurmuziy lagi.
Wakil Sekjen Partai Ka'bah ini benar belaka. Persepsi sebagian fraksi atas proses penyelamatan Bank Century memang berbeda bak langit dan bumi. Meski sudah hampir empat bulan bersama-sama menguliti dokumen dan kesaksian dari berbagai pihak yang diduga terlibat, kesepahaman tampaknya mustahil dicapai.
Perbedaan itu tercermin jelas dari sesi pemandangan akhir fraksi-fraksi, yang digelar di Senayan, Selasa pekan lalu. Fraksi Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, Partai Golkar, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, dan Hanura tegas-tegas menilai telah terjadi kesalahan pengambilan kebijakan. Keempat fraksi menuding Wakil Presiders Boediono yang saat itu menjabat Guburnur Bank Indonesia dan Menteri Keuangan Sri Mulyani selaku Ketua Komite Stabilitas Sistem Keuangan harus bertanggungjawab.
Romahurmuziy, a member of the United Development Party (PPP) faction, at the end of last week. The meeting had just broken up a half hour after midnight.
The meeting's agenda that night was no simple matter. They had to bring together at least four
This PPP Deputy Secretary-General was entirely correct. The differences of opinion among some of the factions regarding the Bank Century bailout process were like night and day. Even though they spent almost four months together going through documents and the testimonies of various parties suspected of involvement, it was impossible to reach some kind of an agreement.
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Pandangan lima fraksi lain lebih moderat, meski juga tak sepenuhnya seragam. Partai Persatuan Pembangunan dan Partai Grerindra menilai kebijakan penyelamatan krisis perbankan sudah tepat, namun for-mulasi kebijakan dan implementasinya bermasalah. Partai Amanat Nasional hanya menyoroti penerapan kebijakan penyelamatan yang bolong di sana-sini. Sedangkan Partai Demokrat dan Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa bersikap lebih tegas: tak ada yang salah dalam
bailout Century.
Perbedaan ini mengundang spekulasi bahwa koalisi pendukung Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono sudah tak bisa lagi dipertahankan. Sikap keras Golkar dan PKS untuk terus-menerus mengirim sinyal berbeda ke publik jelas membuat kubu Istana tak nyaman
Perkembangan terakhir di Senayan menandakan ada kesenjangan antara apa yang disepakati di tingkat elite partai dan manuver para politikus di Gedung DPR. Ketua umum partai bisa saja berangkulan dengan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, tapi itu bukan jaminan politikus mereka disiplin dengan komitmen pimpinan.
"Kadang-kadang pesan politik yang dikirim dari Senayan memang kabur dan membingungkan." kata satu orang dekat Istana kepada Tempo, pekan lalu. Keberadaan sejumlah faksi dengan kepentingan berbeda di partai masing-masing membuat peta politik jadi
Financial System Stability Committee (KSSK), should take responsibility for the error.
The views given by the other five factions were more moderate, even though they were not in complete agreement. The PPP and Gerindra party felt that the policy to aid a bank in crisis was appropriate, but that there were mistakes in the way the policy was formulated and implemented. The National Mandate Party (PAN) pointed to the various shortcomings in the application of the policy. Meanwhile, the Democrat Party and the National Awakening Party (PKB) emphatically stated there was nothing wrong with the Bank Century bailout.
These differences invited speculation whether the coalition of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono could be maintained. The strong stance taken by Golkar and PKS to oppose the policy has clearly unnerved the Palace.
The latest developments at the legislature have also indicated that there is a gap between what has been agreed to at the elite party level with the maneuvers of politicians at the DPR. Party chairmen can very well ally themselves with the President, but this is no guarantee that their cadres will adhere to the commitments made by their leaders.
"Sometimes the political message sent out of the DPR is indeed vague and confusing," one person close to the Palace told Tempo, last week. The
They were ( reference) agreement (mp) to aid (mp)
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Februari, wakil presiden kelahiran Blitar. Jawa Timur, itu tengah berulang tahun ke 67. "Semoga Pak Boed panjang umur, selalu dilindungi Tuhan, diberi tuntunan dan bimbingan untuk menjalani kehidupan yang dirahmati Allah," kata Yudhoyono mendoakan. Semua menteri yang hadir menundukkan kepala.Sampai akhir pekan lalu, dukungan Yudhoyono untuk Boediono dan Sri Mulyani memang tak surut. Menjelang detik-detik kritis pengambilan keputusan di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat pekan ini, Presiden seakan ingin menegaskan bahwa dia tak mungkin mengor-bankan dua orang kepercayaannya itu.
Pekan lalu, sempat beredar kabar bahwa Boediono dan Sri Mulvani akan mundur bersama jika- salah satu atau keduanya–dinyatakan bersalah oleh legislatif. Namun isu ini cepat-cepat ditepis lingkaran dalam Istana. "Tak pernah ada rencana seperti itu," kata Yopie Hidayat, staf khusus sekaligus juru bicara Wakil Presiden.
Pertemuan segitiga Yudhoyono-Boediono-Sri Mulyani juga makin intensif sepekan terakhir ini. Dalam setiap rapat, strategi melawan pencitraan yang dibangun musuh-musuh politik SBY di DPR dibahas detail. "Ketiganya tampak high-spirited.” kata satu sumber Tempo di lstana Negara, mengomentari rapat koordinasi
confounded the political map. ***
PRESIDENT Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono opened the cabinet meeting on the Thursday afternoon last week with a short prayer for Boediono. On that February 25, it happened to be the 67th birthday of the Vice President, who was born in Blitar, East Java. "May Pak Boed have a long life, abated. Nearing the critical moment of decision-making at the DPR this week, the President seemed
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trio ini, Rabu pekan lalu.
Kepercayaan diri kubu lstana tak lepas dari terungkapnya sejumlah kasus yang melibatkan motor Panitia Angket, sepanjang pekan lalu. Misalnya kasus
letter of credit dari Bank Century untuk PT Selalang Prima International milik politikus Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, Misbakhun, senilai US$ 22,5 juta. Misbakhun adalah anggota Tim Sembilan, yang pertama kali menggulirkan kasus Century di parlemen.
Selain itu, muncul kembalinya kasus penjualan beras impor oleh PT Hexatama, Finindo milik politikus Partai Golkar, Setya Novanto senilai US$ 12 juta, dua pekan lalu, membuat girang Istana. Novanto sekarang adalah Ketua Fraksi Golkar di parlemen, yang aktit mengawal gerak-gerik anggotanya di Panitia Angket Century. Kasus Novanto menambah tekanan kepada Beringin, yang sebelumnya sudah terpojok oleh tudingan pengemplangan pajak Grup Bakrie. Alasannya simpel: Ketua Umum Golkar Aburizal Bakrie diyakini tidak akan mengorbankan bisnisnya untuk kepentingan politik.
source at the State Palace, commenting on the coor-dinative meeting between the three, on Wednesday last week.
The confidence of the Palace camp was partly buoyed by revelations last week of cases involving some legislators who pushed for the formation of the inquiry committee. For instance, there was the letter of credit from Bank Century in favor of PT Selalang Prima International, a company connected to PKS connected to Golkar Party politician Setya Novanto, in the amount of US$12 million, two weeks ago, also came as good news for the Palace. Novanto is
The Yudhoyono camp truly believes that by the final round this week, all of the parties will again "use common sense" and fall in line with the Palace. "We are not sure about the PKS, but it is very possible that Golkar will compromise," said a Tempo source. The reason is simple: reportedly, Golkar Party Chairman Aburizal Bakrie will not sac-rifice his business for political interests.
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Pendeknya, Yudhoyono dan Partai Demokrat merasa di atas angin. Masih kerasnya sikap Golkar dan PKS serta abu – abunya posisi PAN dan PPP – dinilai bukan soal besar. “Sama seperti mobil yang semula melaju kencang, kan tidak mungkin tiba-tiba berputar arah? Pasti mengerem dulu pelan-pelan," kata Achsanul Qosasi, politikus Partai Demokrat di Panitia Angket.
Menurut Achsanul, sampai akhir pekan lalu, ketaksepakatan partai koalisi - Demokrat, Golkar, PKS, PAN, PPP, dan PKB - sebenarnya sudah mengerucut pada enam poin temuan Panitia Angket. Tiga temuan pertama berkaitan dengan kebijakan Bank Indonesia me-ngucurkan fasilitas pendanaan jangka pendek (FPJP) Rp 689 miliar untuk Bank Century, pada awal November 2008. Sisanya soal kebijakan Komite Stabilitas Sistem Keuangan menyetujui penyertaan modal sementara ke Bank Century.
Keenam wilayah temuan itu: pertama, soal satu pasal dalam surat perjanjian (akta) pemberian FPJP yang mengacu pada peraturan Bank Indonesia yang lama- Nomor 10/26/2008 yang mensyaratkan rasio kecukupan modal di atas 8 persen. Padahal saat itu rasio kecukupan modal Bank Century sudah melorot tinggal sekitar 2 persen. "Menurut kami, itu salah ketik saja. Jelas-jelas saat itu sudah ada peraturan Bank Indonesia yang baru, Nomor 10/30/2008, yang hanya mensyaratkan rasio modal positif,” kata Achsanul.
Kedua, soal kurangnya jaminan FPJP yang disetorkan Bank Century. "Seharusnya ada 150 persen dari nilai bantuan, tapi audit Badan Pemeriksa
Ke-In short, Yudhoyono and the Demecrat Party feel that things will eventually go their way. The sharp stance by Golkar and PKS–and the vague posi-tion of PAN and PPP - are not seen to be a serious problem "It's like a car which is going fast. It cannot just suddenly turn around, right? It would have to slow down first," said Achsanul Qosasi, a Democrat Party member in the Special Committee.
According to Achsanul, as of last week, the absence of an agreement among the coalition parties Democrat, Golkar, PKS, PAN, PPP, and PKB ac-tually revolve around six findings of the Special Committee. The first three findings covered the policy of Bank Indonesia to extend Rp 689 billion in short-term funding (FPJP) to Bank Century in early November 2008. The other findings covered the policy of the KSSK in approving temporary capital investment in Bank Century.
Here are the six findings: first, the matter of an article in the agreement (act) to issue the FPJP, which refers to an old regulation of Bank Indonesia (No. 10/26/2008), stipulating that the capital adequacy ratio (CAR) must be above 8 percent. In fact, at that time, Bank Century's CAR had fallen to about 2 percent. "According to us, that was just a typo. Clearly at that time there was a new regulation of Bank Indonesia. No. 10/30/2008, which only required a positive CAR," said Achsanul.
Second, there is the lack of guarantees for the FPJP deposited in Bank Century. "It should have 150 percent of the value of the assistance, but an audit by
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uangan menemukan nilai jaminan Bank Century yang disetor hanya 83 persen." katanya.
Ketiga, soal tidak adanya surat permohonan FPJP dari Bank Century. Saat itu, Bank Century memang hanya mengajukan surat permohonan repo (repurchase agreement) atas asetnya di Bank Indonesia, yang kemudian dijawab bank central dengan pengucuran FPJP. "Sebagian fraksi menilai tiga temuan mengindikasikan pelanggaran pidana. Sedangkan kami menilai ini hanya kesalahan administratif dalam penerapan kebijakan," kata Achsanul.
Keempat. soal peran dominan Sekretaris Komite Stabilitas, Raden Pardede, dalam penyusunan laporan Bank Indonesia ke Komite Stabilitas pada 21 November 2008.
Kelima, soal dasar hukum keberadaan Komite Stabilitas yang tumpang-tindih antara UU Bank Indonesia, UU Lembaga Penjamin Simpanan. dan Per-aturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-Undang tentang Jaring Pengaman Sistem Keuangan. “Ini kan wilayah Mahkamah Konstitusi, bukan panitia angket parlemen.” katanya.
Keenam, soal keputusan Komite Stabilitas yang mengandalkan sepenuhnya laporan Bank Indonesia soal estimasi biaya bailout. "Menurut sebagian anggota Panitia Angket, seharusnya Komite Stabilitas melakukan review dan mengeluarkan perkiraan biaya
bailout sendiri, bukannya mengandalkan data Bank Indonesia.- kata Achsanul.
the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) found that the amount of the guarantee deposited by Bank Century was only 83 percent," he said
Third, isthe question whether or not there was a letter requesting the FPJP from Bank Century. At
Fourth, there is the dominant role of Raden Pardede, Secretary of the KSSK. in formulating the report of Bank Indonesia to the Stability Committee on No-vember 2l, 2008.
Fifth, involves the issue of the legal basis for the existence of the Stability Committee itself, which overlaps with the Law on Bank Indonesia. the Law on the Indonesian Savings Guarantee Board (LPS) and the Government Regulation in Lieu of Law regarding the Financial System Security Network. “This is of course the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court, not a parliamentary inquiry committee." he said,
Sixth, there is the matter of the decision of the Stability Committee which fully relied on the report of Bank Indonesia regarding the estimated cost of the bailout. "According to some members of the Special Committee, the Stability Committee should have conducted a review and issued its own estimate of the cost of the bailout, not just rely on data from
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Menurut Achsanul, semua partai koalisi sepakat adanya enam temuan itu, tapi berbeda sikap soal penafsiran temuan itu. Fraksi Demokrat, misalnya, menilai tidak ada indikasi korupsi atau pelanggaran hukum di enam temuan int. "Lain ceritanya kalau Pa-nitia Angket menemukan aliran dana sekian puluh miliar ke Boediono dan Sri Mulyani. Tapi ini kan tidak ada?" kata Achsanul keras.
Sementara Fraksi Golkar dan PKS ngotot menilai temuan-temuan itu sudah cukup untuk menyatakan kedua teknokrat itu bersalah. "Sikap kami hanya berdasarkan fakta dan data." kata Sekretarts Fraksi Golkar, Ade Komaruddin.
Tim kecil Panitia Angket masih akan bertemu lagi sebelum rapat paripurna pada Selasa ini. Empat kubu pendapat yang masih ada, menurut Romahurmuzi, akan mencoba bergerak ke tengah. Achsanul mengaku akan berusaha menarik fraksi lain mendekat ke Demokrat. Kalau berhasil, dia memprediksi hanya akan ada dua kubu besar kubu yang menilai kebijakan bailout
tidak bermasalah, dan kubu yang menilai sebaliknya. “Nanti kita voting di paripurna.” kata Achsanul. Minus Golkar dan PKS, tapi plus Gerindra, kubu Demokrat bisa menang tipis di pemungutan suara.
Namun hitung-hitungan kubu lain tidak seoptimistis Achsanul. Ade Komaruddin menilai pengelompokan menjadi dua kutub bisa dikatakan tidak mungkin terjadi. "Saya yakin, posisi semua fraksi tidak akan berubah dari pemandangan akhir di rapat Panitia Angket pekan lalu," katanya. Wakil Sekjen Golkar Lalu
Bank Indonesia," said Achsanul.
According to Achsanul, all of the coalition parties agreed on these six findings, however they took different positions on what the findings implied. The Democrat Party faction, for instance, felt that there were no indications of corruption or crime in these six findings. "It would be a different story if the Special Committee found tens of billions of ru-piah going to Boediono and Sri Mulyani. However, nothing like this happened," stressed Achsanul.
Meanwhile, the Golkar and PKS factions insist that these findings are sufficient to declare the two camps, according to Romahurmuzy, will try to move to the center. Achsanul said that he will attempt to draw the other factions closer to the stance of the Democrat Party. If he succeeds, he predicts there will only be two major camps: the one with the view that there was nothing wrong with the bailout, and one which contradicts it. "We will vote on it at the plenary session,” said Achsanul. Without Golkar and PKS, but with Gerindra, the Democrat Party could
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Mara Satriawangsa membenarkan. Menurut dia, rapat-rapat Panitia Angket adalah panggung politik yang diawasi publik dengan intens. "Bagaimana mungkin kami diharapkan berubah arah pada saat-saat terakhir seperti ini," katanya.
Menteri Keuangan Sri Mulyani tenang-tenang saja terhadap sengkarut Senayan dalam memutuskan nasibnya. Rabu pekan lalu, sambil tersenyum lepas dia mengomentari pandangan akhir fraksi-fraksi di Panitia Angket Century, sehari sebelumnya. "Saya senang dievaluasi, asalkan evaluasi itu secara obyektif, berdasarkan kinerja dan peraturan undang-undang." katanya. Dengan selendang merah muda di pundak kanan, Sri Mulyani tampak percaya diri.
Ketika satu jurnalis bertanya apakah keceriannya hari itu berkaitan dengan dukungan politik Partai Demokrat dan koalisinva di DPR, Sri Mulyani tertawa. "Tidak ada hubungannya,” katanya. "Kalau proses hukum, politik, dan administrasi dievaluasi secara obyektif, saya tenang. Saya tahu saya sudah Committee, held the previous day. "I am happy to be evaluated, as long as the evaluation is done objectively, based on performance and the laws and regulations," she said. Wearing a pink shawl over her right shoulder, Sri Mulyani appeared confident.
When one journalist asked if her good mood that day was connectedwith the political support of the Democrat Party and its coalition partners in the DPR, Sri Mulyani laughed. "That has nothing to do with it." she said. "If the legal, political, and administrative processes are evaluated objectively, I should be nothing but calm. I know that I have
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b.
From Treasure To Drama Queen (August 2011)
Seri Novela
Nazaruddin sempat menolak didampingi Kaligis. Akibat kesal ditagih duit pendampingan hukum.
PENGACARA Otto Cornehs Kaligis
menyodorkan pulpen ke tangan Muhammad Naza-ruddin. Tersangka perkara suap proyek wisma atlet SEA Games itu diam saja, mengabaikan sodoran sang pengacara. Ia menolak menandatangani kertas di depannya. Hanya dua orang itu yang terlihat di ruang pertemuan rumah tahanan Markas Komando Brigade Mobil Kepolisian RI di Kelapa Dua, Depok, Jawa Barat, Senin pekan Ialu.
Alat perekam Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, yang sengaja dipasang di ruangan itu, kemudian menangkap adegan di ruangan lain. Muhammad Nasir, anggota Komisi Hukum Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, kakak kandung Nazaruddin, menemui mantan Bendahara Umum Partai Demokrat itu. Bertemu seperempat jam, tak banyak yang dibicarakan anak-anak pasangan M. Latif dan Aminah ini. "Nazar lebih banvak diam." kata Ajun Komisaris Besar K. Budinian, juru bicara rumah tahanan Brimob.
Nasir dan Kaligis datang bersama beherapa
Nazaruddin temporarily refused to be legally represented by Kaligis. He was upset at being billed for supposedly free legal assistance.
LAWYER Otto Cornelis Kaligis held out a pen for Muhammad Nazaruddin to sign. Nazaruddin, a suspect in a bribery case regarding an athletes' accommodation project for the upcoming SEA Games just sat still, ignoring the offer made by the lawyer. He refused to sign the paper in front of him. Only these two were in the meeting room located inside the detention facility of the police's Mobile Brigade (Brimob) Command Headquarters in Kelapa Dua, Depok, West Java, on Monday last week.
A camera installed by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), captured the scene taking place in another room. Muhammad Nasir, a member of the Law Commission of the House of Representatives (DPR), Nazaruddin's older brother, met with this former Democrat Party treasurer. Lasting for about 15 minutes, not much was said between the two siblings. "Nazaruddin mostly kept quiet.” said Senior Adjunct Commissioner IC Budiman, spokesman for Brimob's detention facility.
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anggota Komisi Hukum Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, seperti Ahmad Yani dari Partai Persatuan Pem-bangunan serta Nudirman Munir dan Aziz Syamsuddin dari Partai Golkar. Mereka memaksa masuk, meski kunjungan ke Nazaruddin hanya diperbolehkan dengan izin Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi.
Berdasarkan rekaman di rumah tahanan Brimob dan keterangan saksi, para anggota legislatif itu merangsek masuk meski dihalangi petugas. Mereka berkukuh hendak menemui Nazaruddin yang sebenarnya ogah menemui mereka. Para anggota Dewan beralasan kunjungan ke rumah tahanan merupakan bagian dari tugas mereka. Saya kan menjalankan tugas konstitusi. Kami mau melihat saja," ujar Nudirman dengan nada tinggi.
Kaligis juga sempat menunjukkan Surat kuasa yang ditandatangani Nazaruddin pada saat dalam pelarian di Singapura- Penyidik menolak surat itu ka-rena tidak sesuai dengan aturan, yakni surat kuasa yang dibuat di luar negeri harus dilegalisasi Kedutaan Besar Republik Indonesia. Selain itu, mereka yang boleh masuk ruang tahanan harus mendapat persetujuan Nazaruddin.
Guna menghindari cekcok berkepanjangan, penyidik akhirnya memperbolehkan Nazaruddin ditemui empat mata oleh Aziz Syamsuddin. Pada saat itulah anggota rombongan lain merangsek masuk. “Nanti pakai hak untuk diam saja,” kata Kaligis sembari menyerahkan buku soal hukum pidana. “Tanpa pengacara, jangan mau (diperiksa),” Nudirnian menimpali.
several members of the House's Law Commission, such as Ahmad Yani from the United Development Party, and Nudirman Munir and Aziz Syamsuddin from the Golkar Party. They forced their way in, eventhough visiting Nazaruddin was only allowed with the authorization of the KPK.
Based on the recordings at the Brimob detention facility and eyewitness testimony, these legislators inched their way inside, despite being obstructed by officers. They insisted on meeting Nazaruddin, who was actually not interested in meeting them. These legislators said that their visit to the detention facility
was a part of their job. “I am carrying out
constitutional duties. We just want to take a look,” said Nudirman in a high-pitched voice.
Kaligis also showed the power of attorney signed by Nazaruddin while he was on the run in Singapore. Investigators rejected this letter because it was not in accordance with regulations, as a power of attorney privilege made in another country must be legalized by the Indonesian embassy. In addition, those allowed into the detention facility must have Nazaruddin's approval.
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Sebelum ke tahanan Brimob, Nasir dan Kaligis menemui pemimpin DPR: Marzuki Alie (Demokrat), Pramono Anung (PDI Perjuangan), dan Anis Matta (PKS), Nasir mengeluhkan susahnya menemui Nazaruddin dan kekhawatiran akan kondisi kesehatannya. "Sangat mungkin Nazaruddin mengalami pencucian otak,” kata Kaligis di DPR
sebe-lum bertolak ke tahanan Brimob. ***
NAZARUDDIN dibawa ke Indonesia dari Kolumbia pada 13 Agustus lalu. Sejak Nazaruddin tiba di Tanan Air kasusnya menciptakan berbagai kisah. Drama pertama tersaji ketika turun dari pesawat carteran Guifstreaum, dengan tangan diborgolkan ke seorang penyidik KPK Nazaruddin dikawal ketat pasukan bersenjata lengkap. la diboyong ke Markas Brimob, baru kemudian diserahterimakan ke komisi antikorupsi pada malam harinva.
Pemeriksaan perdana Nazaruddin soal biodatanva berlangsung hingga pukul 01.00 WIB. Dalam rekaman video KPK, terlihat Nazaruddin berbincang santai dengan dua penyidik diruang pemeriksaan berukuran sekitar 3 x 3 meter di lantai 7 gedung KPK. Ia ditawari
rokok, kopi, hingga makanan dalam kotak berlauk rendang. “Sudah lama saya tidak makan nasi Padang,” ujar Nazaruddin sembari tersenyum kepada penyidik.
Drama lain seputar Nazaruddin adalah perebutan hak pembelaan dua kubu pengacara, yakni Elza Syarief dan OC. Kaligis. Elza mengaku mendapat mandat dari
Before going to the Brimob detention, Nasir and Kaligis met with DPR leaders: Marzuki Alie (Democrat Party), Pramono Anung (Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle—PDIP), and Anis Matta (Justice and Prosperity Party-PKS). Nasir complained about the difficulty of meeting Nazaruddin and his concern for his health. “It is very possible that Nazaruddin was undergoing some kind of brainwashing,” said Kaligis in the DPR before going to the Brimob facility.
***
NAZARUDDIN was brought back to Indonesia from Colombia on August 13. Nazaruddin’s return home created a number of dramatic stories. The first took place when he debarked the chartered Gulfstream airplane. Handcuffed to a KPK investigator, Nazaruddin was escorted under heavy guard of a fully armed police detail. He was taken to the Brimob, HQ and was turned over to the KPK later that night.
Nazaruddin’s first session regarding his personal data lasted until l am. In the KPK’s video recording, Nazaruddin can be seen talking casually with two investigators in an interrogation room measuring about 3 x 3 meters on the seventh floor of the KPK
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adik bungsu Nazaruddin, Mujahidin Nur Hasyim. Ia juga hadir ketika Nazaruddin pertama kali dibawa ke KPK. Selasa pekan lalu, ia mengunjungi Nazaruddin di tahanan Brimob, dan mendampingi pemeriksaan Nazaruddin. “Kalau Nazar mau ringan hukumannya, harus terbuka,” kata Elza.
Kaligis yang sejak awal mengklaim sebagai kuasa hukum Nazaruddin, mempertanyakan KPK yang menurut dia melarang pengacara menemui Nazaruddin saat berada di ruang tahanan. Ia juga kerap melontarkan kekhawatiran Nazaruddin dicuci otaknya oleh KPK.
Surat yang menjadi pegangan Kaligis adalah surat penunjukannya sebagai penasihat hukum yang dibuat ketika Nazarudiing di Singapura. “Yang mempertemukan mereka adalah adalah Albert Panggabean,” kata sumber Tempo. Dalam pertemuan di Marina Mandarin Hotel, Singapura itu, Kaligis
mengaku tidak butuh dibayar. Kaligis membantah mengenal Albert Panggabean.
Pernyataan Kaligis tentang upaya menghalanginya menemui Nazaruddin terbantahkan. Dalam rekaman video yang dilansir KPK, pada malam ketika Nazaruddin diperiksa KPK, perwakilan Kaligis, Afrian Bonjol, diperbolehkan penyidik menemuinya. Afrian menyodorkan surat kuasa untuk ditandatangani, tapi Nazaruddin menolak. “Nanti pemeriksaan kedua,” kata nya.
Nazaruddin, menurut sumber di KPK, juga
Elza claimed he obtained a mandate from Nazaruddin's youngest brother, Mujahidin Nur Hasyim. He was present the first time Nazaruddin was taken to the KPK. On Tuesday last week, he visited Nazaruddin's lawyer, questioned the KPK, which, according to him, banned lawyers from seeing Nazaruddin when he is in custody. He has also raised his concern that Nazaruddin was being brainwashed by the KPK.
The document that Kaligis holds is his letter of appointment as a legal advisor, made when Nazaruddin was in Singapore. “Albert Panggabean introduced them,” said a Tempo source. In that meeting at the Marina Mandarin Hotel in Singapore, Kaligis said he did not need to be paid. Kaligis denied knowing Albert Panggabean.
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diminta menuliskan nama-nama kerabat atau keluarga yang boleh menjenguknya. Satu per satu nama yang ditulis Nazaruddin pada secartik kertas adalah Neneng Sri Wahyuni, istrinya; M Nasir, kakaknya; Rita Zahara, kakak sulung; Hasyim, adiknya, Aan, sopir pribadi; dan Kaligis. Setelah menuliskan nama-nama itu. Nazarud-din berpikir sejenak, kemudian mencoret nama Kaligis. “Enggak usah aja,” ujarnya.
Seorang advokat mengungkapkan Nazaruddin kecewa terhadap Kaligis. Pasalnya Kaligis berjanji tidak akan mengenakan biaya pendampingan. Nya-tanya, Nazaruddin diharuskan membayar pengacara selama pelarian di Singapura. Terakhir, pengacara di Kolombia yang hendak mengurus suaka politiknya pun meminta bayaran US$ 1 juta (sekitar Rp 8.5 miliar). Tapi Nazaruddin membantah informasi miring itu.
Meski berkali-kali menolak Kaligis, Nazar akhirnya menyerah. Surat kuasa untuk Kaligis ditekennya pada Selasa, 16 Agustus, di tahanan. Surat dititipkan Kaligis lewat Nasir. Sehari setelah itu. Kaligis menemui Nazaruddin di tahanan. Keesokan harinya, Nazaruddin diperiksa KPK. Di sinilah Nazaruddin memainkan babak baru dalam drama hidupnya: bungkam.
Dalam pemeriksaan selama dua jam, Nazaruddin lebih banyak menjawab lupa, kala 20 pertanyaan tentang peristiwa dugaan korupsi proyek wisma atlet diajukan. Ia menyampaikan kesediaanya menerima hukuman tanpa diperiksa. Bahkan dalam surat yang ditujukan kepada Presiden Susilo Bambang
was also asked to write down the names of friends and relatives who were allowed to visit him. The names moment, then crossed out Kaligis's name. “Not neces-sary. he said.
One advocate said that Nazaruddin was disappointed with Kaligis. Kaligis had promised he would not charge any fees. As it turned out, Nazaruddin had to pay the lawyer for the duration of his flight in Singapore. Most recently, the lawyer in Colombia who was going to process his request for political asylum asked for a payment of US$1 million (about Rp 8.5 billion). Nazaruddin, however did not confirm this information.
After repeatedly rejecting to be represented by Kaligis, Nazaruddin finally gave in. He signed the power of attorney in favor of Kaligis on Tuesday, Au-gust 16, while in detention. The letter was sent to
questions asked about the events surrounding the alleged embezzlement in the SEA Games accommodation project. He conveyed his willingness to accept punishment without being questioned. In
15
Yudhoyono, Nazaruddin meminta istrinya tak diseret ke meja hijau.
Dalam surat yang diketik rapi dan ditanda tanganinya itu, Nazaruddin berjanji tidak akan menceritakan apa pun yang dapat merusak citra Partai Demokrat dan KPK. Ia rela dihukum asalkan Presiden memberi ketenangan bagi keluarganya. “Khusus bagi istri dan anak –anak saya,” tulis surat yang ditunjukkan Kaligis itu.
Juru bicara Presiden, Julian Aldrin Pasha, mengatakan istana belum menerima surat tersebut. Ia menegaskan, Presiden Yudhoyono tidak akan mengintervensi kasus. “Kami tidak menerima tawaran,” kata Julian. Senada dengan itu, komisi antikorupsi mempertahankan prinsip mereka. “Meskipun dia mengatakan lupa, yang penting alat buktinya lengkap,” kata Wakil Ketua KPK Bibit Samadi Rianto.
Tito Sianipar, Rusman Paraqbueq, Atmi Pertiwi
fact, in a letter addressed to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Nazaruddin asked that his wife not be dragged into court.
In the typed letter he signed, Nazaruddin promised he would not say anything that could damage the Democrat Party or the KPK.. He was willing to be punished as long as the President gave his family some peace. “In particular, for my wife and children," he wrote in the letter shown by Kaligis.
Presidential spokesman, Julian Aldrin Pasha, said that the palace had not received this letter. He stressed that President Yudboyono was not going to intervene in this case. “We do not consider proposals,” said Pasha. Similarly, the KPKreiterated their stance. “Even though he kept saying he forgot, the important thing is that the evidence is complete.” said KPK Deputy Chairman Bibit Samad Rianto.
Tito Sianipar, Rusman Paraqbueq, Atmi Pertiwi
[surat] yang diketik rapi → merusak citra → tulis surat →
menerima → Senada dengan itu
(implicit) → mempertahankan →
typed [letter] (higher level) damage (omitted lower level) he wrote in the letter (higher level)
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Saputro menerima panggilan dari bosnya, Menteri Perhubungan Hatta Rajasa. Ia yang ketika itu Di-rektur Jenderal Perkeretaapian, segera datang ke ruang kerja Hatta di lantai 8 Gedung Karsa, Kantor Departemen Perhubungan, Jalan Merdeka Barat 8, Jakarta Pusat.Di ruang kerja Hatta, sudah menunggu lima orang tamu. Mereka adalah Achmad Hafisz Tohir, Hartanto Edhie Wibowo, Dicky Tjokrosaputro, Jon Erizal, dan seseorang bernama Agung. Belakangan, Soemino tahu mereka bukan orang sembarangan. Hafisz adalah adik Hatta, Hartanto merupakan adik bungsu Ani Yudhoyono, dan Jon Erizal tercatat sebagai Bendahara Umum Partai Amanat Nasional. Adapun Dicky merupakan Direktur Utama PT Power Telecom, perusahaan penyedia infrastruktur jaringan Internet. Agung adalah anggota staf Dicky.
"Saat itu Pak Menteri meminta saya menjajaki pencarian kereta rel listrik bekas di Jepang,” kata Soemino kepada penyidik Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, seperti dituturkan sumber Tempo.”-Pak
Five guests were already waiting in Hatters office. They were: Achmad Hafisz Tohir, Hartanto Edhie Wibowo, Dicky Tjokrosaputro, Jon Erizal, and someone named Agung. Later, Soemino found out that these were no ordinary guests. Hafisz was Hatter's younger brother, Hartanto was the youngest brother of Ani Yudhoyono, and Jon Erizal was treasurer of the National Mandate Party (PAN). Dicky was CEO at PT Power Telecom, a company which provides infrastructure for internet net-works. Agung was Dicky's staff member.
“At that time the minister asked me to find used electric train cars in Japan,” said Soemino, to interrogators at the KPK, as told by a Tempo source. “The minister also told his five guests to join the trip to
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Menteri juga menyatakan kepada lima orang tamunya untuk ikut ke Jepang, karena ada usul swastanisasi operator kereta. Mereka mungkin ber-minat menjadi operator swasta.”
Ketika itu, problem kereta komuter menjadi sorotan. Kecelakaan penumpang yang naik di atap kereta rel listrik sering terjadi. Presiden Susilo Bam-bang Yudhoyono meminta Menteri Perhubungan menertibkan penumpang di atap kereta. Segera setelah itu, Hatta mengumpulkan bawahannya. Muncullah usul menambah 160 unit kereta bekas dari Jepang.
Kepada penyidik. Soemino, mengaku itulah perintah pertama yang diterimanya untuk mulai menjajaki pengadaan kereta bekas dari Jepang. Pada 12 November 2005, ia bersama Direktur Ke-selamatan dan Teknik Sarana Asril Syafei plus lima ‘tamu Hatta’ terbang ke Tokyo. Di sana, rombongan menemui manajemen Japan Railway Technical Service, yang pernah menjadi konsultan kereta di wilayah Jakarta, Bogor, Depok, Tangerang, dan Bekasi.
Perjalanan inilah yang belakangan menyeret Soemino menjadi pesakitan Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi. Dia dituduh menggelembungkan biaya pengangkutan kereta bekas dari Tokyo ke Pelabuhan Tanjung Priok. yang diduga merugikan negara Rp 10-16 miliar. Menjadi tersangka sejak November 2009, ia ditahan akhir Maret lalu.
Japan, because there was a proposal to privatize the train operation and they might be interested in becoming the private operators.”
At that time, the commuter train problem was in the public spotlight. Passengers riding on the top of electric train cars were often getting into accidents. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono asked his Transportation Minister to resolve the problem of passengers riding atop trains. Soon after, Hatta gathered his senior officers at the ministry, and they came up with the idea to add 160 used passenger cars from Japan.
Speaking to investigators, Soemino said that this was the first time he was instructed to begin looking into procuring used trains from Japan. On Novermber 12,2005, he and Director of Safety and Facilities, Asril Syafei, and the five “Hatta Guest” flew to Tokyo. There, the entourage met with the management of Japan Railways Technical Service, which was once a train consultant for the Jakarta, Bogor, Depok, Tangerang and Bekasi area.
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Pekan lalu, Soemino menyatakan bersedia diwawancarai di tempatnya ditahan, penjara Cipinang, Jakarta Timur. Namun ia mengurungkannya pada Jumat, "Pak Soemino belum siap. Dia masih depresi,” kata Tumpal Halomoan Hutabarat. Pengacaranya.
Hatta Rajasa, kini Menteri Koordinator Perekonomian, membantah adanya pertemuan di ruang kerjanya itu. Dia mengatakan sang adik tidak mungkin terlibat dalam proyek pengadaan kereta. “Saat itu dia baru memulai bisnis telekomunikasi, tidak ada hubungan dengan kereta,” kata Ketua Umum Partai Amanat Nasional ini. Belakangan, ia menambahkan, bisnis telekomunikasi Hafisz pun tidak jadi dijalankan.
***
PENCARIAN Soemino untuk memperoleh kereta rel listrik di Jepang berbuah hasil. Lewat bantuan Japan Railway Technical Services. Soemino mendapatkan informasi soal 124 kereta bekas yang siap dihibahkan. Perinciannya: 33 unit dari Tokyo Car, 33 unit dari Tokyo Metro, 30 unit dari Tokyo Kosaku, dan sisanya dari Odakyu. Namun, dari jumlah itu, yang siap dikirim ke Indonesia hanya 60 unit. “Hasil perjalanan itu Saya laporkan ke Pak Hatta,” kata Soemino kepada penyidik.
Last week, Soemino said he was willing to be interviewed where he was being held, at Cipinang Prison in East Jakarta. However, on Friday he called to cancel it. “Pak Soemino is not ready. He is still depressed.” Said Tupal Halomoan Hutabarat, his lawyer
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Pada 12 Januari 2006. Soemino ditemani Asril kembali berangkat ke Jepang. Dalam perjalanan kedua ini, dia semakin intensif membicarakan renca-na hibah dengan sejumlah perusahaan operator. Di negara itu, kereta pada usia tertentu harus dimusnahkan atau dihibahkan ke negara lain
Kata Soemino, ia melaporkan hasil kunjungan ke Jepang kepada Menteri Hatta lewat surat tertanggal 26 Januari 2006. Isinya penjelasan soal alokasi dana yang tersedia dalam daftar isian penggunaan anggaran 2006 senilai Rp 76 miliar yang dipakai untuk pengadaan 160 unit kereta. “Sehari kemudian, Hatta menjawab surat itu lewat disposisi,” kata Tumpal menirukan Soemino. “Isinya proses lanjut.”
Pada awal September. Soemino men-e- pat nota dinas dari Asnl Svafei tentang pengangkutan kereta oleh Sumitois Corp- Dalam nota dinas itu, sang direktur menyampaikan perlunya pembahasan lebih lanjut soal hibah dan biaya pengangkutan 60 unit kereta ke Indonesia. “Selain itu, dapat kiranya diupayakan penunjukan langsung kepada Sumi-tomo,” tulis Asril dalam suratnya.
Masuknya Sumitomo menjadi koordinator perusahaan pengangkut kereta ke Indonesia merupakan rekomendasi dari Japan Railway Technical Services. Perusahaan perdagangan Jepang ini menyebutkan biaya pengangkutan senilai 9 juta yen (Rp 720 juta) per unit, sehingga total biaya yang harus dibayar pemerintah untuk biaya transportasi
On January 12, 2006, Soemino was again accompanied by Asril on another trip to Japan. On this second trip he had more intensive communication about the planned donations from a few train operators. In Japan, trains of a certain age must be destroyed or donated to other countries.
Soemino said that he reported the results of this 26, 2006. It explained the matter of the allocated funds Japan visit to Minister Hatta in a letter dated January available in the 2006 Budget Implementation Registration Form in the amount of Rp76 billion for the procurement of 160 train cars. "A day later, Hatta replied to the letter in a short note," said Tumpal, quoting Soemino. "It said to continue the process"
In early September, Soemino received an official letter from Asril Syafei about the trains being shipped by Sumitomo Corp. In this official letter, the director conveyed the need for further discussion about the donation and the cost of shipping 60 train cars to Indonesia. “In addition, we ask that an effort be made to directly appoint Sumitomo,” wrote Asril in his letter.
The mention of Sumitomo as the company handling the transport of the Japanese trains to Indonesia was proposed by Japan Railway Technical Service. This Japanese trade firm said that the shipping cost was 9 million yen (Rp720 million) per unit, bringing the total cost to be horne by the government to Rp43.2 billion.
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60 kereta itu Rp 43.2 miliar.
Soemino lalu menyurati Hatta. Dia .menjelaskan secara terperinci soal jadwal pengiriman kereta itu ke Indonesia. Terakhir, dia meminta Hatta menvetujui penunjukan langsung kepada Sumitomo. “Surat itu kembali dijawab Hatta lewat disposisi pada 2 November 2006,” kata Tumpal. Menurut dia, dalam disposisi itu Hatta menyatakan setuju dengan catatan pelaksanaannya dilakukan sesuai ketentuan yang berlaku.
Setelah melewati sejumlah proses. Satuan Kerja Pengembangan Perkeretaapian yang ditugasi menyiapkan proyek tersebut menyetujui penggunaan anggaran sebesar Rp 43.2 miliar. Perinciannya: Rp 14.4 miliar diambil dari anggaran 2006 dan dipakai untuk biaya angkut 20 unit kereta, lalu Rp 28.8 mili-ar dmili-ari anggmili-aran 2007 untuk biaya angkut 40 unit kereta lain.
Hatta membantah telah memberikan persetujuan soal penunjukan langsung kepada Sumitomo. Dia mengatakan menulis disposisi untuk Sekretaris Jenderal Departemen Perhubungan agar mengkaji usul Soemino. “Disposisi saya selalu ditujukan ke Sekjen dan tidak pernah ke Dirjen,” katanya. Hatta menduga ada pihak yang sengaja memelintir dokumen untuk menyerangnya.
Mantan Menteri-Sekretaris Negara ini mengatakan baru tahu belakangan bahwa proses pengadaan kereta bekas ini bermasalah. “Saya yang meminta proyek itu disetop dan minta Badan
Soemino then wrote to Hatta. He explained in detail the shipping schedule for the trains to be sent to Indonesia. He asked Hatta to approve the direct appointment of Sumitomo. "Hatta responded to this letter in a disposition note on November 2, 2006,” said Tump -al. According to Tumpal, in the note Hatta said that he approved the process with the reservation that, "its im-plementation be done according to the current stipulations."
Further into the process, the Railway Development Work Unit which was assigned to prepare the project approved the use of Rp432 billion of budgeted funds. The breakdown: Rp14.4 billion would be taken from the 2006 budget and used to fund the shipment of 20 train units, and Rp28.8 billion from the 2007 budget would be used to fund the shipment of the other 40 train cars.
Hatta disagreed that he had approved the direct appointment of Sumitomo. He said that he wrote that note for the Secretary-General of the Transportation Ministry to study Soemino's proposal. My disposition notes were always addressed to the secretary-general and never to the director-general," he said. Hatta suspects that someone had intentionally misused the document to attack him.
Hatta said that he only found out later there was a problem with the used-train procurement process. "I was the one who asked that the project be stopped and asked the Finance Development Controller (BPKP) to conduct
21
Pengawasan Keuangan dan Pembangunan melakukan audit,” kata Hatta.
Tumpal menilai janggal bantahan Hatta. Menurut dia, jika disposisi benar ditujukan buat Sekretaris Jenderal, kalimat yang tertulis bukan “setuju dan laksanakan sesuai aturan yang berlaku.” la juga menepis keterangan Hatta yang menyatakan tidak pernah mengeluarkan disposisi untuk Direktur Jenderal. Terbukti, pada 14 Juli 2006, Hatta pernah membuat disposisi untuk Sekretaris Jenderal dan Soemino setelah menerima Surat dari Presiden Direktur Japan Railway Technical Service.”Bukti -bukti disposisi itu akan kami serahkan ke KPK,” ujarnya.
***
BAU tak sedap pengadaan kereta bekas Jepang sampai ke Lapangan Banteng, kantor Departemen Keuangan. Satu nota dinas tertanggal 10 Mei 2007 dikirimkan Direktur Jenderal Pengelolaan Utang Rahmat Waluyanto kepada Menteri Keuangan - ketika itu dijabat Sri Mulyani Indrawati. Isi nota di-nas merupakan hasil rapat lintas departemen di Badan Perencanaan Pembangunan Nasional pada 12 Maret 2007, yang dihadiri pejabat Departemen Per-hubungan dan Departemen Keuangan.
Dalam nota dinas yang salinannya diperoleh Tempo itu, dijelaskan secara terperinci kesalahan prosedur yang terjadi dalam pengadaan 60 kereta eks Jepang tersebut. Pertama, pengadaan kereta bekas itu tidak masuk kategon hibah karena pengajuannya,
an audit,” said Hatta.
Tumpal feels something is odd about Hatta’s denial. He said that if the disposition note was really addressed to the secretary general, the written sentence would not have read "approved and implement according to the current regulations." He also challenged Hatter's statement that he never issued a disposition note to a director-general. As proof, on July 14, 2006, Hatta once sent a note to the secretary-general and Soemino after receiving a letter from the CEO of Japan Railway Technical Service. "We submitted this disposition note to the KPK as evidence," he said.
***
SUSPICIONS regarding the procurement of used Japanese train cars reached the office of the Finance Ministry. One official letter dated May 10, 2007, was sent by Director-General of Debt Management Rahmat Waluyanto to the Finance Minster–a position at that time held by Sri Mulyani Indrawati. The content of this official letter was the outcome of an inter-ministry meet-ing at the National Development Plannmeet-ing Board (Bappenas) on March 12, 2007, which was attended by officials of the ministries of Transportation and Finance.
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tidak lewat Badan Perencanaan Pembangunan Nasional dan Departemen Keuangan serta tidak ada naskah perjanjian luar negeri. Kedua, penunjukan langsung Sumitomo melanggar ketentuan pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah.
Nota dinas itu juga menyorot soal kewajaran biaya jasa transportasi 50 unit kereta yang sudah dibayarkan ke Sumitomo. Karena harga yang tinggi, kontrak sepuluh unit kereta yang belum dikirimkan diusulkan dibatalkan. Setelah mengirimkan nota dinas, dua pekan kemudian Rahmat mengirimkan surat ke Direktorat Jenderal Perkeretaapian. Isinya menjelaskan soal penyimpangan prosedur pengadaan 60 kereta bekas dari Jepang.
Ketika dimintai konfirmasi soal nota dinas itu, Rahmat menolak berkomentar. “Kalau soal dokumen internal, saya no comment,” katanya, kepada Fanny Febiana dari Tempo.
Tumpal mengatakan kliennya meminta keadilan dalam kasus ini. Menurut dia, Soemino berkukuh tidak mendapat keuntungan dari proyek dan berkeyakinan tidak ada kerugian negara dari kebijakan itu. “Tapi, kalau Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi tetap menilai ada kerugian Negara, bukan hanya Soemino yang harus bertanggung jawab,” katanya. Atasan dan pihak lain juga harus dijerat.” Hatta mengaku menyerahkan sepenuhnya kasus ini ke Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi. “Biarlah proses ini berjalan. Saya tidak ingin mencampurinya,” ujarnya. Juru bicara Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi. Johan Budi S.P.,
through Bappenas and the Finance Ministry, and there was no accompanying foreign grant agreement. Second, the direct appointment of Sumitomo violated stipulations on the government procurement of goods and services.
This official letter also pointed out the propriety of the transportation cost for 50 train cars, which had al-ready been paid to Sumitomo. Because of the high cost, it was suggested that the contract for the 10 other train cars which had not yet been shipped be cancelled. Two weeks after sending the official letter, Rahmat sent a letter to the Directorate General of Railways. In it he explained the procedural violations on the procurement of 60 used train cars from Japan.
When asked to confirm that official letter, Rahmat refused to comment, "I have no comment about that internal document," he told Fanny Febiana from Tempo.
Tumpal said that his client has asked for justice in this case. Soemino insisted that he did not profit from the project and believes that the state suffered no losses as a result of this policy. "However, if the KPK still feels losses were incurred, Soemino is not the only one who must be held responsible,” he said. His superiors and other parties must also be implicated."
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mengatakan kasus dugaan korupsi pengadaan kereta bekas tetap akan dikembangkan. Soal kemungkinan ada pihak lain yang terjerat, Kami menunggu proses persidangan Pak Soemino dulu," katanya.
Power TakKetinggalanKereta
Orang-orang dekat Hatta dituduh mengawal proyek pengadaan kereta bekas. Berbisnis serat optik sepanjang rel.
BANGUNAN abu-abu bernomor 43 itu sepintas lebih mirip rumah ketimbang kantor. Tak ada pagar yang memisahkan halamannya yang jembar dengan Jalan Tomang Raya, Jakarta Barat. Tanpa plang nama, orang perlu bertanya ke petugas keamanan untuk memastikan di situlah PT Power Telecom atau PowerTel berkantor.
Di kantor itulah Achmad Hafisz Tohir, adik Menteri Koordinator Perekonomian Hatta Rajasa, pernah tercatat sebagai salah seorang direktur. Se-orang sumber menyebutkan PowerTel didirikan Hafisz bersama Dicky Tjokrosaputro, putra pengusaha Benny Tjokrosaputro, dan Hartanto Edhie Wibowo, adik bungsu Ani Yudhoyono, istri Presiden. Dicky jadi direktur utama, Hartanto atau Anto menjabat komisaris utama. Berdiri pada 200.1, perusahaan ini bergerak dalam bisnis layanan Internet melalui serat optik.
plicated. “We are waiting for the outcome of Pak
Soemino's trial first,” he said.
Not Wantingto Miss theTrain
People close to Hatta are being accused of involvement in a used-train procurement project. There was a rail-side fiberoptic cable business interest.
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Dua pria berseragam hitam-hitam berjaga di depan kantor. “Pak Dicky sedang ke Singapura,” kata Ali, salah seorang dari mereka, kepada Tempo,
Jumat pekan lalu.
Dalam informasi ringkas penawaran umum saham perdana tertanggal 4 Agustus 2008. PowerTel mengklaim telah bekerja sama dengan Direktorat Jenderal Perkeretaapian Departemen Perhubungan dan PT Kereta Api untuk membangun jaringan
backbone serat optik di rel kereta api sepanjang 2.400 kilometer. Perusahaan ini juga merangkul PT PLN untuk memanfaatkan tiang-tiang listrik dalam memasang jaringan backhaul optik dalam kota se-panjang 1.000 kilometer.
Tumpal Halomoan Hutabarat, pengacara Soemino Eko Saputro, tersangka perkara korupsi pengadaan kereta bekas dari Jepang, menuding Hafisz dan Hartanto terlibat dalam, proyek yang menjerat kliennya. Tiap kali kliennya berangkat ke Jepang untuk menjajaki pengadaan kereta api bekas, rombongan Hafisz selalu ikut. “Seperti tak mau ketinggalan,” katanya. Kepada penyidik, Soemino mengatakan keberangkatannya ke Jepang dalam proses pengadaan atas perintah Hatta.
Soemino, mantan Direktur Jenderal Perkeretaapian dua kali ke Jepang pada 12 November 2005 dan 12 Januari 2006. Menurut dia, kepergiannya selalu bersama Hafisz, Hartanto, dan Dicky. Ada juga Agung, yang disebut Tumpal
Two men in black uniforms stood guard in front of the office- "Pak Dicky, is in Singapore,” Ali one of the
guards, told Temp, on Friday last week.
In a recap of an initial public share offering dated August 4, 2008. PowerTel claimed to work in cooperation with the Directorate General of Railways at the Transportation Ministry and PT Kereta Api Indonesia to build a network of fiberoptic cables along a 2.400-kilometer rail track. This company also worked with the state-run electricity company (PLN) to install eiectricity poles for a 1000-kilometer optical backhaul network in the city.
Tumpal Halomoan Hutabarat, lawyer for Soemino Eko Saputro, a suspect in the procurement of used trains from Japan, accused Hafisz and Hartanto of being involved in the project which implicated his client. Each time his client went to Japan to look into the
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sebagai pejabat PowerTel, dan Jon Erizal, Bendahara Umum Partai Amanat Nasional.
Rombongan Hafisz juga ikut ketika Soemino berkunjung ke kantor Tokyo Kosaku dan Tokyo Metro—keduanya operator kereta Jepang. “Selain melihat ketersediaan kereta rel listrik bekas, kami melihat pengembangan dan perawatan depo-depo di operator,” kata Soemino kepada penyidik pada 2 September 2010. Menurut Soemino kepada Tumpal, Hafisz dan kawan-kawan tertarik berinvestasi di bisnis kereta api.
Berulang kali dihubungi, Hafisz, yang juga Ketua Badan Pembinaan Organisasi dan Keanggotaan Partai Amanat Nasional, tak mengangkat telepon. Pesan pendek juga tak dibalas. Petugas resepsionis di Rumah PAN—kantor pusat partai itu—mengatakan Hafisz tak datang Jumat pekan lalu. Adapun Dicky tak nongol di kantor— demikian menurut Mimi perempuan yang mengaku sekretaris Dicky. “Pak Dicky ke Solo sejak Kamis,” kata Mimi, Hartanto juga belum bisa dimintai konfirmasi.
Mantan Komisaris PowerTel Roy Suryo enggan berkomentar soal kiprah ‘kelompok’ PowerTel dalam proyek kereta api ataupun proyek lain. “Sejujurnya, saya tak tahu banyak,” kata anggota Fraksi Partai Demokrat Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat itu. Saya hanya datang dua kali waktu menjadi komisaris. Sekali di antaranya ketika ada presentasi soal teknologi informasi.
and Jon Erizal, treasurer of the National Mandate Party (PAN).
Hafis’z entourage also tagged along when Soemino visited the offices of Tokyo Kosaku and Tokyo Metro — both train operators inJapan. “In addition to checking out the availability of used electric trains, we saw the development and maintenance of train depots by the operators,” Soemino told investigators on September 2, 2010. According to information Soemino gave to Tumpal, Hafisz and friends were interested in investing in the train business.
After repeated attempts to contact him Hafisz, who is also head of the Organizational Guidance and Membership Board of PAN, did not answer the phoneHe also did not respond to text messages. A receptionist at the PAN headquarters said that Hafisz was not there on Friday last week. Dicky had not been in the office at least according to Mimi, a woman who said that she was Dickys secretary. “Pak Dicky has been in Solo since Thursday,” said Mimi. Hartanto could also not be reached for confirmation.
Former PowerTel commissioner Roy Suryo was reluctant to comment on the role of the PowerTel 'group' in the train project or other projects. “Honestly, I don't
has been in Solo (higher level) be reached for (mp)
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Hatta, yang juga Ketua Umum PAN, membantah keterlibatan adiknya dalam proyek ini. “Bisnis dia itu perminyakan,” katanya. Hatta mengakui adiknya pernah mencoba peruntungan di bisnis telekomunikasi. “Hanya sebentar. Itu pun diajak temannya.” Hatta juga membantah ikut campur dalam soal kerja sama PowerTel dengan Direktorat Jenderal Perkeretaapian. “Saya marah betul kalau keluarga saya ikut dalam proyek-proyek,” ujarnya.
Hatta, who is also PAN, denied that his younger brother was involved in the project. “His business is in petroleum,” he said. Hatta said that his brother once tried his luck in the telecommunication business. "It was only for a short time. His friend had asked him to join.” Hatta also denied interfering in the cooperation between PowerTel and the Directorate General of Railways. “I will be really upset if my family is involved with projects,” said Hatta.
Ketua Umum PAN → keterlibatan adiknya → mengakui → diajak temannya →
PAN (omitted lowerlevel) that…involved (higher level) said (mp)
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PERTEMUAN ANTARA JAKSA AGUNG MUDA TINDAK PIDANA MUHAMMAD AMARI DAN PENGUSAHA HARY TANOESOEDIBJO MENJADI POLEMIK. JAKSA AGUNG TERLIHAT
SANGAT MELINDUNGI BAWAHANNYA.
KENAPA HENDARMAN TERKESAN GAMANG
MENGUSUT TUNTAS PERKARA
SISMINBAKUM?
“SIDANG" itu terjadi di ruang kerja Jaksa Agung Hendarman Supandji di lantai dua gedung utama Kejaksaan Agung. Hari itu, Kamis dua pekan lalu, Hendarman meminta Jaksa Agung Muda Tindak Pidana Khusus Muhammad Amari menjelaskan pertemuannya dengan pengusaha Hary Tanoesoedibjo. Ikut dalam pertemuan itu Wakil Jaksa Agung Darmono, Jaksa Agung Muda Pengawasan yang juga mantan Jaksa Agung Muda Tindak Pidana Khusus Marwan Effendy, dan beberapa petinggi kejaksaan lainnya.
Sekitar setengah jam Amari membeberkan alasannva menerima Hary. Menurut Amari, ia menerima kakak tersangka kasus korupsi Sistem Ad-ministrasi Badan Hukum (Sisminbakum) Hartono Tanoesoedibjo, lantaran yang bersangkutan
menun-A MEETING BETWEEN MUHmenun-AMMmenun-AD
AMARI AND HARY
TANOESOEDIBJO IGNITED A POLEMIC.
HENDARMAN SEEMS TO BE TRYING TO PROTECT HIS SUBORDINATE. AND WHY DOES HE APPEAR RELUCTANT TO WRAP UP THE SISMINBAKUM INVESTIGATION?
THE “hearing” took place at Attorney
General Hendarman Supandji's office on the second floor of the main building of the Attorney General's Office (AGO). On that Thursday two weeks ago, Hendarman asked Deputy Attorney General for Special Crimes Muhammad Amari to explain his meeting with businessman Hary Tanoesoedibjo. Taking part in the meeting was Deputy Attorney General Darmono, Deputy Attorney General for Internal Supervision Marwan Effendy, the former Deputy Attorney General for Special Crimes, and several other senior AGO officials.
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jukkan kesediaan mengembalikan uang kerugian negara. -Dia mints penjelasan dan saya tidak melakukan
deal apa pun.- kata Amari pada saat -disidang-. seperti diceritakan kembali oleh sumber Tempo yang tahu persis pertemuan itu. Kepada Hendarman. bekas Kepala Kejaksaan Tinggi Jawa Barat itu menegaskan bahwa dia juga baru mengenal Hary saat itu.
Melontarkan beberapa pertanyaan, akhirnva Hendarman mengeluarkan -putusannya-: anak buahnva yang baru sekitar tiga bulan duduk di kursi Jaksa Agung Muda Tindak Pidana Khusus itu tak bersalah. Kendati demikian, sebelum sidang itu ditutup, Hendarman dengan nada keras memperingatkan Amari. -Sava minta itu jangan diulangi lagi.- ujar Hendarrnan, sebagaimana, dikutip sumber Tempo tersebut. Tak ada sanksi untuk Amari. “Teguran lisan itu sudah hukuman.” kata Hen-darman.
***
PERTEMUAN yang menyulut kehebohan itu terjadi pada Kamis tiga pekan lalu. Sore itu, sekitar pukul 15-00, pengacara Martin Pongrekun bergegas naik ke lantai dua Gedung Bundar, Kejaksaan Agung. Di belakangnya mengekor Hary Tanoesoedibjo dan seorang anggota stafnva. Sejumlah pegawai kejaksaan yang mengenal Martin mengangguk hormat. Gedung Kejaksaan Agung memang bukan tempat asing bagi Martin. Sebelum membuka firma hukum, Martin adalah jaksa. Jabatan terakhirnya juga tidak main-main: Jaksa Agung Muda Bidang Pembinaan. former West Java Chief Public Prosecutor insisted that it was the first time he had met with Harry.
Having thrown up a series of questions. Hendarman finally issued his “judgment”-: his subordinate who had only held the post of Deputy At-torney General for Special Crimes for around three months was not at fault. Nevertheless, before the "hearing” ended, in a harsh tone Hendarman issued Amari with a strong warning. “I ask that it not happen again,” said Hendarman, as quoted by the Tempo its offices. Following him were Hary Tanoesoedibjo and one of his staff members. Several AGO officials who knew Martin nodded respectfully. Martin was indeed no stranger to the building. Prior to opening a law firm, Martin was a former prosecutor and his last post was as the Deputy Attornay General for Civil & State Administration.
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“Rombongan" Martin diterima Amari di kamarkerjarnya di lantai dua. Jaksa agung muda itu mengon-tak anak buahnva, antara lain Direktur Penyelidikan Pidana Khusus Arminsyah dan salah seorang jaksa yang menelisik kasus Sisminbakurn, Esther PT Subea, untuk bergabung.
Yang “mimpin" bukan Amari, melainkan Martin. Kepada "junior"-nya, Martin memperkenalkan kliennya sekaligus maksud kedatanganva. Hary menjelaskan perihal keterlibatan kakaknya dalam kasus Sisminbakum. Menurut Hary, kakak sulungnya, Hartono, tidak bersalah dalam kasus ini. Bos Media Nusantara Citra (MNC) ini—grup perusahaan yang antara lain membawahkan RCTI. Global TV dan koran
Seputar Indonesia–menekankan tak ada duit yang dikorupsi dalam perkara Sisminbakum oleh grup perusahaannya.
Menjelang akhir pertemuan, Martin dan Hary menembakkan pertanvaan inti: bagaimana kemungkinannya jika mereka membayar ganti rugi uang negara, yang menurut kejaksaan, diselewengkan dalam kasus Sisminbakum. Amari, menurut sumber
Tempo, saat itu menjawab, “Itu sangat terbuka dilakukam- Hary mengejar: apakah jika pembayaran ganti rugi itu dilakukan, kasus ini akan selesai?
“Maksudnya tidak merembet ke mana-mana," ujar
sumber itu. Pertanyaan ini tidak dijawab tegas Amari. Martin dan Hary meninggalkan Gedung Bundar sekitar pukul lima. Kehadirannya sepertinya tak tercium wartawan.
Martin's “entourage” was received by Amari in his office on the second floor- He then contacted his subordinates, including among others, Special Crimes Investigations Director Arminsyah and one of the prosecutors investigating the Sisminbakum case, Esther PT Subea, to join in welcoming his guests.
Despite being the host, according to a Tempo
source, the person who dominated the meeting was not Amari, but Martin. To his “juniors,” Martin introduced his client and the reason for their visit. Hary then explained his older brother's involvement in the Sisminbakum case. According to Hary, his brother Hartono was not at fault. The boss of Media Nusantara Citra (MNC) —a business group in charge of, among others, RCTI television, Global TV and the
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Sejak kasus ini merebak, Amari sulit ditemui juru tinta. Sebelumnva, kepada wartawan, Senin dua pekan lalu, dia menegaskan kedatangan Hary bukan untuk melobi kejaksaan. Ia menerima Hary karena status yang bersangkutan bukan tersangka atau terdakwa korupsi. Ditemui pada Kamis pekan lalu di Gedung Bundar, Arminsyah pun tak bersedia berkomentar tentang per-temuannya dengan Hary. “Untuk yang ini saya tak akan bicara." Katanya.
Kepada Tempo, Kamis pekan lalu, Martin Pongmkun bercerita, kedatanganya menemui Amari untuk mengklarifikasi kasus kliennya. “Ide pertemuan dari sava,” katanya. Sebagai pengacara, Martin mengharap kasus yang melibatkan khennya segera rampung, Gara-gara kasus Sisminbakum ini Hartono stress. Kasihan dia."
***
DISIDIK kejaksaan sejak akhir 2008, kasus Sisminbakum kini menuju titik akhir. Sejumlah tersangka kasus ini juga sudah divonis pengadilan. Bekas Direktur Jenderal Administrasi Badan Hukum Departemen Kehakiman Romli Atmasasmita dan Svamsuddin Manan Sinaga, misalnya, divonis pengadilan tinggi hukuman satu tahun penjara, Direktur Utama PT Sarana Rekatama Dinamika (SRD) Yohanes Waworuntu dihukum Mahkamah Agung lima tahun penjara, plus membayar ganti rugi Rp 378 miliar. Adapun tersangka terakhir yang ditetapkan kejaksaan,
Since the case came to light, reporters have found it hard to meet with Amari Speaking with journalists prior to this on Monday two weeks go, he insisted that Hary’s visit was not to lobby the AGO. He received Hary because the person concerned was not a corruption suspect or defendant. When Tempo
ran into him at the Rotunda on Thursday last week, Arminsyah was also not prepared to comment on the meeting with Hary, "I will say nothing on the matter," he said.
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Yusril rhza Mahendra dan Hartono, perkaranya kini tengah diproses untuk dinaikkan ke tingkat penuntutan
Jika Hary Tanoesoedibjo ikut khawatir kasus ini merembet ke mana-mana, itu sangat wajar. Beroperasi sejak Oktober 2000, proyek Sisminbakum terbilang erat berkaitan dengan Hary dan perusahaannya, Bhakti Investama. Modal pembuatan Sisminbakum sebesar Rp 500 juts. misaInva, dikucurkan dari kas Bhakti Investama. Kepada Tempo. Jumat pekan Wit, John Sarodja, pencipta Sisminbakum itu, bercerita ke kantor Bhakti Investama di Bapindo Plaza, pada 2000-an, mengambil upah proyek membuat Sisminbakum itu. “Waktu itu mereka belum punya gedung sendiri,” kata John. “Pembayarannya juga dicicil."
Adapun saham PT Sarana juga dimiliki Bhakti Asset Management. Di sini, selain sempat menjabat wakil komisaris utama, Hartono memiliki saham. Didirikan pada 30 Juni 2000, PT Sarana inilah yang mengeruk duit dari sekitar 6.000 notaris yang ingin mendaftarkan badan hukum klien mereka. Selama delapan tahun beroperasi, kejaksaan menghitung duit yang masuk rekening SRD di Bank Danamon sekitar Rp 420 mihar. Duit itulah yang kemudian, menurut Yohanes, antara lain, dialirkan untuk kepentingan grup Hary.
Hary Tanoesoedibjo's concerns that the case would spread far and wide is quite natural. Operating since October 2000, the Sisminbakum project is regarded as being closely linked with Hary and his company, PT Bhakti Investama. The Rp500 million in capital to establish Sisminbakum, for example, came out of Bhakti Investama's coffers- On Friday last week, the creator of Sisminbakum, John Sarodja, told
Tempo how it Ryas upon moving to Bhakti In-vestama's offices in the Bapindo Plaza, some time around 2000, that he received a project wage to create Sisminbakum. "At the time they did not yet have their own building," said John. "The payment was also made in installments.”
