promote the ‘Food from the Peak District’ initia- tive (Case Study 8.4).
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© CAB International 2011. Research Themes for Tourism
114 (eds P. Robinson, S. Heitmann and P.U.C. Dieke)
Sine Heitmann, Peter Robinson and Ghislaine Povey
Introduction
The Slow Food movement is a non-profi t, eco- gastronomic, member-supported organization that was founded in 1989 to counteract fast food and fast life, the disappearance of local food traditions and people’s dwindling interest in the food they eat, where it comes from, how it tastes and how our food choices aff ect the rest of the world (Slow Food, 2010). A further development of Slow Food is the Slow City movement, which builds on the ideas of Slow Food but extends the philosophy to cities and destinations. Following on from the Slow Food and Slow City move- ments, Slow Tourism has evolved as an extension of this philosophy to encompass travel and tourism activities. There is very little research on Slow Tourism, but nevertheless there is a growing interest in this concept. Slow tourism can be discussed from a consumer behaviour, marketing or sustainable tourism perspective. While relatively new in its idea, a range of existing tourism theories and concepts can be adapted to fi t the Slow Tourism ethos.
This chapter will outline the origins and key ideas of both the Slow Food and Slow City movements, as well as related concepts such as fair trade, before conceptualizing Slow Tourism and the scope of research and discussion this concept provides.
Slow Food – The Origins of the movement
The Slow Food movement originated in Bra, a small city in the north west of Italy, alongside
the Langhe wine district and near to the Alba tourist region. During the 1970s, Bra was characterized by small, independent businesses and farms, who were struggling with encroaching industrialization and a number of strong, predominantly politically left-wing social groups, which were popular because of a fi erce allegiance to local cultural identity and a determination not to let the area become a victim of the monoculture of industrialization.
One particular group (the Free and Praiseworthy Association of the Friends of Barolo) had an unusual perspicacity for the time as they aimed to preserve and promote the food and wines of the region, particularly home-made and traditional wines and dishes. Despite the fact that tasting food and drinks was not a fashionable pursuit, the group organized wine and food tastings, taught visitors how to best to enjoy their products and, having created a market for their products, set up mail-order businesses supplying them worldwide (Petrini, 2001). This was the birthplace of a new business model that has begun to establish itself in the food industry (Nosi and Zanni, 2004), where the view of industrial, mass-produced food being the most preferred consumer choice has given way to a growing preference for seasonal, local and traditionally made products.
During an anti-McDonald’s protest in Rome 1986 the term ‘Slow Food’ was coined as a rallying call for those who wanted to halt the invasion of standardized, Americanized ‘fast food’ (and culture) into the heart of Rome. A second infl uence on the formation of the movement was the death of 19 Italians who drank cheap wine that had been mixed with
Slow Food, Slow Cities and Slow Tourism 115
methanol. In reaction to these events, Carlos Petrini formed the embryonic Slow Food movement, which was offi cially launched in December 1989 in Paris. Since then the movement has gone from strength to strength, and now has 100,000 members from 132 countries worldwide (SlowFood, 2010).
Slow food is part of a movement for change that advocates sustainable, less greedy and slow life. For the movement, food is central to everyday life. If we were only able to eat Slow Food, if fast food restaurants and supermarket ready-meals did not exist, then our whole lifestyle would have to change. Meals would have to be cooked, time to do this would have to be found and families would have to work together to get their food. It could change the entire way that we live in industrialized countries (Petrini, 2001). Our very relationships with some commodities could be completely changed, and Slow Food has catalysed regener- ation in regions where local food products are recognized and valued for their unique contribution to taste (Hall, 2006).
Slow food is philosophically centred on the rights of all citizens to enjoy clean (unpolluted), fairly traded food that has been sustainably produced with consideration for all stakeholders, including the animals being eaten and the planet itself. It has a mission to enhance the taste education of all citizens of the world and to develop links between all the stakeholders in the production and consumption of food.
Within the Slow Food movement there are some key structures. First is the Foundation for Biodiversity, which uses the Ark of Taste, a repository for a wide range of diverse species of edible plant and animals that are protected in their traditional home environments by
‘guardians’. This promotes a system of preserving traditional biodiversity, not just in terms of the genetic DNA of food plants and animals, but also in the traditional methods of production and culture of consumption. Within the Ark of Taste are the ‘presidia’. A presidium is a group that specifi cally focuses on an individual product to ensure its preservation.
This group works to help the product to retain its authenticity while engaging with the modern food environment with support in production and marketing to ensure economic viability. The
Foundation for Biodiversity also supports Tierra Madre events, which bring together food communities from all over the world to discuss how to preserve traditional foods and to form networks for support and trade. Secondly, the Slow Food movement promotes food education largely through ‘convivium’. A convivia is a group of interested people in an area who host food tastings, dinners and other events that help local people to learn about food and taste. These convivia are another way to help networks form, often between consumers and producers.
More formal educational institutions can also join these links through membership and, when invited, lead ‘salon degustation’ or taste work- shops. Other activities include helping schools to set up school gardens and helping children to learn about taste.
Underpinning this movement is the breaking of the link between food and price.
Industrialization reduces cost in that economies of scale can be gained from mass production.
This is often, unfortunately, accompanied by a loss of quality and the introduction of inhumane treatment of the environment and the animals involved. Petrini (2001) asserts that it is important that consumers learn to value quality and understand that to get that quality they may have to pay a higher price. The Slow Food movement proposes a market mechanism that is local and self-supporting, and eliminates the need for industrial food (Pietrykowski, 2004).
Slow food and gastro-tourism
Historically there has been a strong recognition of the opportunities that local food presents to maximizing the multiplier eff ect in tourism destinations (Robinson, 2008a). This growth in interest in local products linked to their regional or local heritage is valuable for the tourism industry, and has for many years been supplemented by what actually appear to be many of the components of Slow Food and Slow Cities, in urban, semi-rural and rural environ- ments. Since its identifi cation as a food on the verge of extinction, the traditional form of pork fat (lardo di Colonnata) has made the tiny Italian town of Colonnato a mecca for culinary
tourism. It has helped the region function from the demise of traditional industries and stage an economic recovery (Leitch, 2003). According to Fogarty (2003), in 2003 there were ‘over 390 farmers markets and the calendar year is once again fi lled with local food festivals, agricultural shows, weekly and monthly fresh produce markets’. In addition, there were 17 Slow Food convivia defi ned by ‘incredible diversity that refl ects local distinctiveness of their regions … helping communities to rediscover their landscapes and culinary treasures and are giving value to producers’. Not all of these farmers markets were related to the Slow Food movement, and many just saw the opportunities presented by growing interest in regional fair as a commercial opportunity. The market also serves ‘social sustainability’ by maintaining a sense of belonging and ownership and building local consciousness for the connection between quality of life and the availability of services and products that are locally produced and sold (Mayer and Knox, 2006). Further advantages of these local markets are that they can address negative impacts of leakage and homogenization of the produce sold (Robinson, 2008a).
Food has always been clearly linked to politics, and indeed to many historical revo- lutions (Leitch, 2003). For example the French Revolution in 1789 was sparked at least in part by Marie-Antoinette’s lack of sympathy to bread shortages. Early academic predictions were that these protest movements were unlikely to have an impact on the food industry (Jones et al., 2003), but they have entered the debate arena and there has been growth in new campaigns to return to local, seasonal, humane food production techniques, and away from factory farming and fi shing.
Whether it was actually the spark that lit the fl ame of the worldwide protest movement against the industrialization of food (initially) and life itself (latterly) or just part of a wider zeitgeist, the Slow Food movement has established itself as having a signifi cant role in the current global food environment from both supply and consumption aspects. The Italian origin of the movement refl ects the Italian culture, in which food and wine are integral. Furthermore, eating is a driving force that also serves as a means to encourage social networks and relations and, of
course, food is vital for employment and trade.
These three areas highlight the centrality of food in everyday life and are therefore the basis on which not only the Slow Food movement is based, but also from which the Slow City movement takes its guiding principles.
Slow Cities
The Slow City, Cittàslow or Città Lenta movement is a spin-off of the Slow Food movement. It has variously been defi ned as an urban social movement and a model for local governance (Pink, 2008). The Slow City move- ment seeks to extend the Slow Food movement’s philosophy to all aspects of urban living, providing an agenda of local distinctiveness and urban development. While having a political anti-globalization message, it distinguishes itself from other protest groups as globalization is used for positive purposes, exploiting global communication potential for the promotion of food and cultural diff erences and fostering networks and transnational cooperation.
Formed in 1999 in Italy, this non- governmental organization has spread across 10 countries and awarded certifi cation to more than 100 cities worldwide. Most of these are located in the Tuscan and Umbrian regions of Italy, but other European cities have also joined (e.g. Waldkirch, Hersbrück and Schwarzenbrück in Germany; Levanger and Sokndal in Norway;
Ludlow, Diss, Mold and Aylsham in the UK) as well as towns in Australia and South Korea (Cittàslow, 2006a). For a town to become a member, the population must number less than 50,000 and comply with a list of criteria covering the six pillars of environmental policies, infrastructural policies, technologies and facilities for urban quality, safeguarding autochthonous production, hospitality and awareness (Table 9.1). The Slow City charter contains 55 pledges or criteria and provides detailed guidelines on requirements for Slow City status. Regular assessment of the adherence to charter guidelines is carried out once Slow City status has been awarded (Cittàslow, 2006b).
The Slow Food and Slow City move ments encourage a change of mindset and philosophy
Slow Food, Slow Cities and Slow Tourism 117
and a reevaluation of changes that modern society has brought. Technological advances have resulted in time savings and as a consequence modern society is characterized by fast living and a constant fast-forward motion by which people are often overscheduled, busy, task orientated and stressed. Consequently, connections and connectedness are argued to be lost. The preservation of local and cultural heritage as well the integration of local production and support of independ ent businesses are some of the key issues for a Slow City. Impacts of commercial ization and the development of mass tourism is discouraged and avoided, and there is extensive concern for the local environment by promoting sustainable travel modes. From a supply-side perspective, this may be further enhanced through the development of tourism capital within communities, manifest through community- based tourism projects (see Chapter 7) and the use of other local facilities such as religious buildings and leisure facilities. A convivium is the basic structural unit and is required to be an open group with its activities and events not simply limited to members (statutes the limit minimum and maximum numbers). The direct participation of private companies in convivia is not permitted, but otherwise each convivium is free to organize its own agenda of activities and initiate supporting links with local producers.
Convivia also play an important role in the larger projects in their own regions as sponsors or nominators (Parkins and Craig, 2006).
Following Slow Food and Slow Cities, the movement has been extended further to other aspects of society and living. The Slow Movement (see http://www.slowmovement.
com) provides ideas on how the concept of slow can be applied to education, books, money and living. How the concept is adapted to travelling and tourism will be outlined further below;
however, central to all of these applications is addressing the issue of time poverty and fast solutions by encouraging more thorough connections to people, places and life.
Slow Tourism
Building from the ideas of the Slow Movement, the same principles and philosophy can be easily applied to tourism. Central to the meaning and concept of Slow Tourism is the shift in focus from achieving a quantity and volume of experiences while on holiday towards the quality of (generally fewer) experiences. It is a form of tourism that respects local cultures, history and environment and values social responsibility while celebrating diversity and connecting people (tourists with other tourists and with host communities); it is characterized Table 9.1. The six pillars of Slow City certifi cation.
Pillar Examples
Environmental policies Air-quality control, waste management, light pollution control, alternative energy sources
Compliance with environmental legislation, adoption of environmental management systems
Infrastructural policies Urban planning and transport measures – reduction of traffi c, improvement of parks, restoration of old buildings Technologies and facilities for
urban quality
Urban design that bans neon signs Safeguarding autochthonous
production
Banning fast food outlets, promoting local markets, support for local products, development of organic agriculture
Hospitality Supporting conviviality through local cultural events and the establishment of convivia, increase local gastronomic traditions Awareness Education programmes for both locals and visitors
Taste education in schools, creation of school gardens
Skill sharing and skill building in farming techniques, food preparation and crafts
Code of Conduct
by the enjoyment of discovery, learning and sharing. This ‘slowing’ of the pace of a holiday provides opportunities to interact and connect with local people and places on a deeper level.
This facilitates a more detailed exploration of the cultural environment in which the holiday is taking place and results in a more rewarding and memorable experience for the participants.
Slow Tourism can be considered from several diff erent perspectives. The fi rst central element of tourism activity is the necessity for transport and travel to a new place. In the slow scenario, this represents a move away from long-haul, airline-focused travel (which reaches many destinations very quickly) towards alternative forms of travel. Not only does Slow Tourism require a change in travel behaviour and transport choice, but also the supply perspectives linked to the choice of transport.
Second, the slow philosophy shares common characteristics with sustainable tourism. There- fore, Slow Tourism needs to be discussed in the context of tourism development and sustain- ability. Third, Slow Tourism as a product requires a discussion on the value that the label
‘slow’ attaches to a product or a service. Hence there are marketing implications, which are discussed later in this chapter. Finally, we need to establish who the Slow Tourist is and highlight ideas on how slow fi ts in with theories of consumer behaviour.
Travel is addressed separately as it is, arguably, separate from tourism – unlike accommodation provision, which, to fi t the slow philosophy, tends to relate to people staying in self-catering accommodation and more often than not buying food in local shops and integrating themselves further into the local community. It may be more popularly manifest through camping and particularly through the recent increase in high-quality camping in wigwams, with kitchens and other facilities more akin to those that would be found in a building (luxury or ‘glam’ camping has recently been named ‘glamping’). The opportunity to stay in self-catering facilities allows the traveller to become more integrated into the community, partake of community services, visit local hostel- ries and purchase local produce. It moves away from the idea of the ‘resort’ or the ‘holiday park’
(which are conversely noisy and exciting, with fast food and instant entertainment) and seeks to off er a more traditional lifestyle that may bring with it many benefi ts to the local community.
Such benefi ts are precluded by the inclusive nature of resort-type facilities, which prevents local interaction and stymies the potential economic benefi ts for local com munities.
Slow Tourism activities while on holiday do not diff er much from other types of tourism, but again the key characteristics of engagement, immersion and slowness are central to the Case Study 9.1. Cittaslow in the UK.
Ludlow’s bid to become a Slow City came about as a result of a public meeting organized by the town’s local Agenda 21 group. Thirty people attended this fi rst discussion. After a meeting with Cittaslow in London, the group pressed ahead with the application, supported by the Chamber of Trade and Commerce and the town and district councils. On November 24, 2003, Ludlow became the UK’s fi rst Cittaslow.
Numerous organizations are now actively involved in Cittaslow Ludlow, including local wildlife trusts, Age Concern, youth groups, women’s institutes and business groups. The project is closely linked to the Ludlow Marches Slow Food Convivium, demonstrating how these two concepts can be joined together effectively.
Since 2003 a number of other UK Towns have also become Cittaslow members, including Aylsham, Diss, Mold, Perth, Berwick-upon-Tweed, Cockermouth, Linlithgow and Stur minster Newton.
Within this listing, Mold was the fi rst Welsh town to become part of the movement and the impact of Cittaslow has been evidenced through some of the work and activities that have taken place since.
Within the scheme in Mold there are three subgroups: environmental policy, space and place (infrastructure), and local produce and community.
Future aims of the Mold movement include an assessment of the opportunities for Mold to become a carbon-neutral community, while previous projects include the creation of a local producers’ directory, a farmers’ and producers’ forum, promotion of the diversity of local produce and a monthly Cittaslow market stall. Other work includes a survey of public benches and an assessment of future transport requirements and opportunities to develop and promote local heritage.