Three famous individuals have historically been identified with the Chou’s ascent and conquest of the Shang: King Wen, King Wu, and the T’ai Kung. King Wen, who ruled for decades, nurtured the state’s power, implemented strong economic policies to foster the people’s welfare, and fashioned a strong reputation for Virtue. King Wu, who succeeded him just years before the dynastic revolution, completed the Chou’s preparations by expanding their alliances, subjugating potential enemies, and forging the armed forces, thereafter undertaking the final military campaign. The T’ai Kung, whose historical authenticity—like Sun-tzu’s
—is frequently questioned, has been honored throughout Chinese history as the first general and the true progenitor of strategic thought.51 After meeting King Wen in a “predestined” encounter, he reportedly served as
advisor, teacher, confidant, Sage, strategist, and military commander for the twenty years necessary before final victory could be attained.
The Six Secret Teachings, one of the Seven Military Classics, is said to contain the T’ai Kung’s political and tactical instructions to Kings Wen and Wu, preserving his measures for effective state control, attaining national prosperity, and waging psychological warfare. However, much of the work is devoted to analyzing tactical situations and suggesting appropriate concrete measures. These are particularly important to the study of Chinese military strategy, generally being viewed as expanded discourses upon the configurations of terrain first raised by Sun-tzu in the Art of War and possibly Wu Ch’i in the Wu-tzu. Although the extant text evidently dates from the Warring States period,52 some scholars believe it reflects the tradition of Ch’i military studies53 and preserves at least vestiges, if not the core, of the oldest strata of Chinese military thought.54 After the great conquest over the Shang the T’ai Kung was enfeoffed as king of Ch’i, no doubt as much to stabilize the eastern area as to reward him for his efforts (and simultaneously remove him as a potential military threat). Thereafter the martial tradition and military studies flourished and became identified with Ch’i; Sun-tzu’s clan was one of the four powerful ones who later contended for supremacy in the state.
Because of the T’ai Kung’s legendary position in China’s martial tradition and the importance of historical material from this period for understanding Sun-tzu’s era and milieu, his biography in the Shih chi is well worth presenting. An elderly, mysterious figure whose early life was shrouded in secrecy even when he first appeared in the Chou, the T’ai Kung had perhaps found the Shang ruler insufferable and feigned madness to escape court life and the monarch’s power. He disappeared only to resurface in the Chou countryside at the apocryphal age of seventy-two. Apart from his storied longevity, his initial interview with King Wen was also marked by the mythic aura that frequently characterizes inevitable meetings between great historical figures:
T’ai Kung Wang, Lü Shang, was a native of the Eastern Sea area.55 His ancestor once served as a labor director, and in assisting Yü in pacifying the waters, had merit. In the interval between Emperor Shun and the Hsia dynasty he was enfeoffed at
Lü, or perhaps at Shen, and surnamed Chiang. During the Hsia and Shang dynasties some of the sons and grandsons of the collateral lines were enfeoffed at Lü and Shen, some were commoners, and Shang was their descendant. His original surname was Chiang, but he was [subsequently] surnamed from his fief, so was called Lü Shang.
Lü Shang, impoverished and in straits, was already old when, through fishing, he sought out the Lord of the West [King Wen].56 The Lord of the West was about to go hunting, and divined about [the prospects]. What [the diviner] said was: “What you will obtain will be neither dragon nor serpent, neither tiger nor bear. What you will obtain is an assistant for a hegemon57 or king.” Thereupon the Lord of the West went hunting, and indeed met the T’ai Kung on the sunny side of the Wei River. After speaking with him he was greatly pleased and said, “My former lord, the T’ai Kung, said ‘There should be a Sage who will come to Chou, and Chou will thereby flourish. ’ Are you truly this [one] or not? My T’ai Kung looked out [wang] for you for a long time.” Thus he called him T’ai Kung Wang,58 and returned together with him in the carriage, establishing him as a strategist.59
Someone said, “The T’ai Kung has extensive learning, and once served King Chou [of the Shang]. King Chou lacked the Way [Tao], so he left him. He traveled about exercising his persuasion on the various feudal lords,60 but didn’t encounter anyone [suitable], and in the end returned west with the Lord of the West.”
Someone else said, “Lü Shang was a retired scholar who had hidden himself on the seacoast.61 When the Lord of the West was confined at Yu-li, San-i Sheng and Hung Yao, having long known him, summoned Lü Shang. Lü Shang also said, ‘I have heard that the Lord of the West is a Worthy, and moreover excels at nurturing the old, so I guess I’ll go there.’ The three men sought out beautiful women and unusual objects on behalf of the Lord of the West, and presented them to King Chou in order to
ransom the Lord of the West. The Lord of the West was thereby able to go out and return to his state.”
Although the ways they say Lü Shang came to serve the Lord of the West differ, still the essential point is that he became strategist to Kings Wen and Wu.
After the Lord of the West was extricated from Yu-li and returned [to Chou], he secretly planned with Lü Shang and cultivated his Virtue in order to overturn Shang’s government.
The T’ai Kung’s affairs were mostly concerned with military authority and unorthodox stratagems,62 so when later generations speak about armies and the Chou’s secret balance of power [ch’üan,]63 they all honor the T’ai Kung for making the fundamental plans.
The Lord of the West’s government was equitable, [even]
extending to settling the conflict between the Yü and Jui. The poet [in the Book of Odes] refers to the Lord of the West as King Wen after he received the Mandate [of Heaven]. He attacked Ch’ung, Mi-hsü, and Chüan-i64 and constructed a great city at Feng. If All under Heaven were divided into thirds, two-thirds had [already] given their allegiance to the Chou.65 The Ta’i Kung’s plans and schemes occupied the major part.
When King Wen died, King Wu ascended the throne. In the ninth year, wanting to continue King Wen’s task, he mounted an attack in the east to observe whether the feudal lords would assemble or not. When the army set out, the T’ai Kung wielded the yellow battle ax in his left hand, and grasped the white pennon in his right, in order to swear the oath.
Ts’ang-ssu! Ts’ang-ssu!66
Unite your masses of common people with your boats and oars.
Those who arrive after will be beheaded.
Thereafter he went to Meng-chin. The number of feudal lords who assembled of their own accord was eight hundred. The feudal lords all said, “King Chou can be attacked.” King Wu said,
“They cannot yet.” He returned the army and made the Great Oath with the T’ai Kung.67
After they had remained in Chou for two years, King Chou killed Prince Pi-kan and imprisoned Chi-tzu. King Wu, wanting to attack King Chou, performed divination with the tortoise shell to observe the signs. They were not auspicious, and violent wind and rain arose. The assembled Dukes were all afraid, but the T’ai Kung stiffened them to support King Wu.68 King Wu then went forth.
In the eleventh year, the first month, on the day chia-tzu he swore the oath at Mu-yeh and attacked King Chou of the Shang.
King Chou’s army was completely defeated. King Chou turned and ran off, mounting the Deer Tower. They then pursued and beheaded King Chou.69 On the morrow King Wu was established at the altars: The Dukes presented clear water; K’ang Shu-feng of Wei spread out a variegated mat; the Shih Shang-fu [the T’ai Kung] led the sacrificial animals; and the Scribe I chanted the prayers, in order to announce to the spirits the punishment of King Chou’s offenses. They distributed the money from the Deer Tower, and gave out grain from the Chü-ch’iao granary, in order to relieve the impoverished people. They enfeoffed Pi-kan’s grave, and released Chi-tzu from imprisonment. They moved the nine cauldrons,70 rectified the government of Chou, and began anew with All under Heaven.
The Shih Shang-fu’s [T’ai Kung’s] plans occupied the major part.71
Thereupon King Wu, having already pacified the Shang and become King of All under Heaven, enfeoffed the T’ai Kung at Ying-ch’iu in Ch’i. The T’ai Kung went east to go to his state, staying overnight on the road and traveling slowly. The innkeeper said, “I have heard it said that time is hard to get but easy to lose.
Our guest sleeps extremely peacefully. Probably he isn’t going to return to his state.” The T’ai Kung, overhearing it, got dressed that night and set out, reaching his state just before first light. The Marquis of Lai came out to attack, and fought with him for Ying- ch’iu. Ying-ch’iu bordered Lai. The people of Lai were Yi people
who, taking advantage of the chaos under King Chou and the new settlement of the Chou dynasty, assumed Chou would not be able to assemble the distant quarters. For this reason they battled with the T’ai Kung for his state.
When the T’ai Kung reached his state he rectified the government in accord with their customs72, simplified the Chou’s forms of propriety [li]; opened up the occupations of the merchants and artisans; and facilitated the realization of profits from fishing and salt. In large numbers the people turned their allegiance to Ch’i, and Ch’i became a great state.73
Then when King Ch’eng of the Chou was young,74 Kuan Shu and Ts’ai Shu revolted, and the Yi people of the Hua River valley turned against the Chou. So [King Ch’eng] had Duke Chao K’ang issue a mandate to the T’ai Kung: “To the east as far as the sea, the west to the Yellow River, south to Mu-ling, and north to Wu-ti, completely rectify and put in order the five marquis and nine earls.75 From this Ch’i was able to conduct a campaign of rectification and attack [the rebellious], and became a great state.
Its capital was Ying-ch’iu.
When the T’ai Kung died he was probably more than a hundred years old. . . .
• • •
The Grand Historian says: “I went to Ch’i—from Lang-yeh which belongs to Mt. T’ai, north to where it fronts the sea, two thousand li of fertile land. Its people are expansive,76 and many conceal their knowledge. It’s their Heaven-given nature. Taking the T’ai Kung’s Sageness in establishing his state, isn’t it appropriate that Duke Huan flourished and cultivated good government, and was thereby able to assemble the feudal lords in a covenant. Vast, vast, truly the style of a great state.”77
Despite this detailed biography of the T’ai Kung in Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s generally reliable Shih chi, over the millennia Confucian skeptics even denied his very existence. Others, perturbed by the confusing traditions regarding his origin, consigned him to a minor role. Both groups justified
their views by citing the absence of references to the T’ai Kung in the traditionally accepted archaic texts that supposedly provide an authentic record of these epoch-making events—the Shang shu78 and Ch’un ch’iu [Spring and Autumn Annals.] Thus, skeptics generally appear to follow the thinking of the second great Confucian, the pedantic Mencius, in refusing to accept the brutal nature of military campaigns and the inevitable bloodshed.79 King Wu’s herculean efforts over the many years prior to the conquest, and his achievements in imposing rudimentary Chou control over the vast Shang domain also tend to be slighted. Consequently, the two figures historically associated with sagacity, virtue, and the civil—King Wen and the Duke of Chou—are revered while the strategist and final commander, the representatives of the martial, are ignored and dismissed. However, after examining numerous stories and references in disparate texts and winnowing away the legendary and mythic material, other scholars and historians have concluded that the T’ai Kung not only existed but also played a prominent role in Chou history—much as described in the Shih chi biography.80 Although the details of his initial encounter with King Wen seem likely to remain unknown, the T’ai Kung was probably a representative of the Chiang clan with whom the Chou were militarily allied and had intermarried for generations.81 No doubt, as with the Hsia dynasty, whose formerly mythic existence assumes concrete dimensions with the ongoing discovery of ancient artifacts, the T’ai Kung will eventually be vindicated by historical evidence.82