Proceedings of the STUDENTS IN INDONESIA Conference

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STUDENTS IN INDONESIA

Conference Paper · August 2016

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Laila Niklasson ...4 Bringing kantian ethics to global politics

Suratha Kumar Malik ...5 Interrogating the nexus between revealed truths, ideology and terrorism

Innocent Oyibo ...23 The influence of statistical versus narrative health claims on consumers' food product evaluation Hung-Chou Lin, Sheng-Hsien Lee ...24

Perceptual reasoning index and parents’ education in predicting extraversion type of personality

Nazirah Hanim Sharipudin, Nasir Yusoff, Muhamad S. B. Yusoff ...25 The effect of lecturers’ commitment measures on students’ academic performance: Survey evidence from parents’ satisfaction in north - central geo - political zone of Nigeria

Bojuwon, Yusuf Bolaji, Bojuwon, Mustapha ...34 Self - efficacy of teaching assistants in Hong Kong

Liang Li, Liu Yan Tat, Lum Chun Wai, Lui Tze Leung, Sin Kuen Fung ...48 Coping strategies to climate change adopted by people living in semi - Arid regions in Zimba- bwe: A case of Chiredzi District

Simbarashe Emmanuel Basvi ...49 Understanding the outcomes for chinese headteachers’ leadership of cross - Cultural training Zhicheng Ke ...54

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Judith Lewis, Joachim D’Souza ...69 Self - report assessment to measure mindfulness in buddhist perspective

Matsorn Kitbumrung ...70 Social influences of atmosphere: An east Asian idea?

Youichi Ito ...71 Netnography: A novel internet - Based approach to ethnographic research in psychology Aida Dehkhoda, R. Glynn Owens ...73 Representativeness of panels in deliberative public opinion polls and participation invitation materials: Experimental surveys on the nuclear power debate

Tsuneo Ogawa ...74 Scientific development and humanities: Pathological approach

Ali Mohammad Haghighi, Mohammad Moazemi, Habib Zamani ...76 Study on extraction of hiring or rejecting determinant the recruiter’s make much of than experience

Hiromi Asano, Koji Tanaka, Kazuhiko Tsuda ...77 Financial markets integration - evidence from Egypt and Palestine stock markets

Abdul Razak Abdul Hadi, Shadi Ali Hamad, Eddy Yap Tat Hiung ...91 Humor styles of faculty and academic performance of students in University of Rizal system Florencia V. Bautista ...109 Teacher and student experience of using flipped learning in a GCC economics classroom Gayathri Goonaratne, Gladson Chikwa ...111 Innovative solutions supporting inclusive education

Ilga Prudnikova, Ilona Bruveris, Velta Lubkina, Svetlana Usca ...112 Transformational and transactional leadership in a bank: UAE demographics

Gantasala V. Prabhakar, Abdel Karim Mesk ...114 Development and validation of the meaning-making scale for coping with loss

NaYeon Yang, Sang Min Lee ...130 Measurement invariance and latent mean differences of the reasons for academic procrastina- tion among different student samples

Ji Hae Lee, Sang Min Lee ...134 Effect of attitudes toward educational technology for prospective physical education teachers on their level of self - Directed learning using technology

Yaprak Kalemoğlu Varol ...136

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foundation Sidoarjo – Indonesia

Syarif Muhtarom ...137 The role of the principle as entrepreneur leadership in facing asean economic community Rino Indaru Kuswemi ...139 The impact of national standard of education based school programme on learning instruction improvement and student satisfaction

Setyo Rini...141 Critical phenomenological study of educational leadership

Nurul Faizah ...143 Model of character education based on entrepreneurship in senior high school “selamat pagi Indonesia” batu

Mufarrihul Hazin ...144 Multicultural based leadership education in school

Yulius Mataputun ...145 Implementing curriculum ktsp at Pamekasan regency

Ridwan ...146 Ambiguity leadership of islamic boarding house an unique leadership model in managing islamic boarding house (pondok pesantren) in Bangkalan, Madura

Sirojul Umam ...147 Learning standard process in ensuring the quality of graduates government senior high school in Pamekasan

Hadaie Efendy ...148 Capacity building special elementary school for improving the education services program for children with special needs at Sidoarjo

Lidia Tri Puryati ...149 The effect of school - Based management on school climate and its impact on the teacher’s sustainable continuing professional development

Eny Harijany ...151 Academic supervision in Indonesia: Between culture and local politic

Rustamhari ...153 The lecturer role in improving college quality of learning

Antonio Guterres ...154 Educational leadership model towards a better education

Abdul Muin ...155

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Subaidah ...160 Establishing quality assurance of graduates in islamic private elementary school in Indonesia through school improvement program (SIP)

Shobikhul Qisom ...171 The need for video learning to the process of learning and teaching at school

Budi Winasis ...172 The role of teachers in implementing learning instruction in inclusive elementary school Wahyu Nugroho ...179 The role of leadership and decision making group

Nurhalima ...181 The establishment of the school committee

Achmat Rosit ...182 Effectiveness transformational leadership and role counselors in school effective determining the choice of career student sman city Madiun

Hery Bagus Anggoro Wicaksono ...183 Service quality effect student satisfaction and loyalty of postgraduate program at the State University of Surabaya

H. Murtadlo, M.Pd ...186 A design of situated game - Based learning platform to promote the knowledge of Chinese herbal medicine and its application

Sung-Chiang Lin, Chun-Yi Lu, Li-Cyun Lin, Ming-Sin Chen, Yi-Syuan Chen, Jyun-Han Dai, Jia- Hua Lu ...191 Perceptions on differences of customer services between public universities (UAs) and private higher education institutions (IPTSs) in the Klang Valley, Malaysia

Mohani Abdul, Azmawani Abdul Rahman, Bukar Ali Bularafa, Teh Kwai Wah ...193 Some insights into the japanese junior high school english education from the student learning awareness perspective

Giido Izuta, Tomoko Nishikawa ...206 Assessment of anxiety and hurdle perceptions towards introductory computer literacy classes among japanese female college students

Tomoko Nishikawa, Giido Izuta ...218 Social support and academic stress among high-school students in Indonesia

Ayu Dian Sari, Risa Mahara, Yola Tiaranita, Nanda Putri Roza, Chikal Handayani, Hazhira Qudsyi ...229

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Malissa Maria Mahmud, Wong Shiau Foong ...230 Study of students' perception of project - Based learning

Henry Ma, Amelie Chan ...231 Causality between foreign tourism revenue and economic growth in the decade of tourism promoting campaign in Thailand

Bundit Chaivichayachat ...233 The effect of applicants' attractiveness on hiring decision

Hind Eldaw Elnour, Alizi Alias ...234 Psychometric properties of a Chinese version of 12 - Item teachers’ sense of efficacy scale for Hong Kong in - Service teachers

Kim Hung Leung ...236 Student engagement among high - School students in Indonesia: Prediction of family function- ing and peer support

Hazhira Qudsyi, Risa Mahara, Siti Kholidiyatus Sa'Diyah ...247 A study for analyzing the team building process of IT students’ PBL using TEM

Chikako Morimoto ...267 Effectiveness of mindfulness-based cognitive therapies on hypertension stricken patients’ IU Alireza Islami, Bahram Mirzaian, Ramezan Hassanzadeh ...269 The impact of online social games on e-learning usage among female students

Alaa Ibrahim Mahmood, Shafiz Affendi Mohd Yusof, Safaa Al-Nuaimi ...276 On adolescent valuation of faith: Formulating sustainable ecclesiastical education for evangel- ical churches in the Philippine

Deborah Villanueva-Lacas, Ed. D., Rpm ...289 Factor analysis of the morality and ethical development instructional system of student teachers in the 21st century

Tongluck Boontham, Arunee Hongsiriwat ...297 Improving students’ science process skills through implementing POE (Predict-Observe-Ex- plain) model

Ahmad Syawaludin, Peduk Rintayati, Heri Setyoko ...302 The effectivity of sap human capital management for human resources information system learning

Annisaa Miranty Nurendra ...308 Peer support and student engagement among high-school students in Indonesia

Siti Kholidiyatus Sa’Diyah, Hazhira Qudsyi ...309

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Manar I. Almaghraby ...322

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ISSN 2518-2498

Proceedings of the International Conference on Education, Psychology, and Social

Sciences

August 3–5, 2016

Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia http://iceps2016.globalconf.org/

Conference Organizer

University Kuala Lumpur Business School Knowledge Association of Taiwan

University Kuala Lumpur

National Taipei University of Technology Shih Chien University

International Journal of Education and Psychological Research International Journal of Cyber Society and Education

International Journal of Electronic Commerce Studies International Journal of Business and Information Journal of Electrical and Computer Engineering Contemporary Management Review

Journal of Renewable Energy and Environment Sustainability

Proceedings Editors

Jung-Fa Tsai, National Taipei University of Technology (Taiwan) Chian-Son Yu, Shih Chien University (Taiwan)

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On behalf of the organizing committee, we are honored and delighted to welcome you to the 2016 International Conference on Education, Psychology, and Social Sciences (ICEPS). With the advancement of education, psychology, and social science, these fields become more sophisticated and interacted. Accordingly, ICEPS aims to provide a space for researchers, practitioners, and Ph.D. students to exchange and share their experiences, new ideas, and research results about all aspects of Education, Psychology, and Social Sciences. Hopefully, beyond sharing the latest researches, case studies, and industry survey, all attendees are encouraged to seek opportunities of interdisciplinary collaboration. This year the conference received 141 manuscripts from 22 countries and accepted 119 papers. Approximate 57% of the accepted papers were registered and arranged into sessions. Given that this year ICEPS joints with international conference on Business, Information, and Tourism (ICBIT) and international conference on Biotechnology, Food Science, and Pharmaceutical Research (ICBFP) together, the program features 2 keynote speeches, one local tour, one welcome reception, and around 100 papers split into oral and poster sessions.

We know the success of organizing an international conference fully depends on all attendees, sponsors, and committee members. Therefore, we would like to specially thank Universiti Kuala Lumpur, Kuala Lumpur Tourism Bureau, Prof. Dato’ Dr. Mohd Mazliham Su’ud (President of UniKL), Prof. Dato' Dr. Mohamad Azemi Mohd Noor (UniKL). Sincere thanks also go to Prof. Abdul Razak Abdul Hadi (UniKL), Prof. Dato’ Dr. Che Musa Che Omar (UniKL), Prof. Wachara Chantatub (Thailand), Prof. Aurelija Ulbinaite (Lithuania), Prof.

Chian-Son Yu (Taiwan), and all of the authors, session chairs, reviewers and participants for their contribution to this conference. This year several journals have collaborated with the conference together to publish special issues. Therefore, we also like to take this opportunity to express our heartfelt thanks to these chief editors.

We try our best to serve all attendees, but organizing an international conference may not caster to all people. Should you have comments or suggestions, please feel free to tell our staff so as to let the conference can be improving every year. Kuala Lumpur is one of the most noted cities in Asia, boasting skyscrapers, colonial architecture, charming locals, and a lot of natural attractions. We sincerely hope that all of you take the time to visit attractions in Kuala Lumpur. We wish all participants not only have a fruitful stay at the conference, but also an enjoyable stay in Kuala Lumpur.

Ibrahim Kamal Abdul Rahman

Conference Chair, ICEPS 2016

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Committee

Conference Chair

 Professor Dr. Ibrahim Kamal Abdul Rahman Dean and Professor of Accounting

Universiti Kuala Lumpur Business School Universiti Kuala Lumpur

Conference Co-Chairs

 Wachara Chantatub, Chulalongkom University (Thailand)

 Aurelija Ulbinaite, Vilnius University (Lithuania)

 Chian-Son Yu, Shih Chien University (Taiwan)

Local Committee Chair

 Professor Dato’ Dr. Che Musa Che Omar

Professor of Management (Tourism) and Head of Research and Innovation Universiti Kuala Lumpur Business School

 Dr. Abdul Razak Abdul Hadi

Head of Department (Professional Services & Internationalization) Universiti Kuala Lumpur Business School

Advisory Committee Members

 Foo Wah Foong, Kyoto Pharmaceutical University (Japan)

 Yi-Chung Hu, Chung Yuan Christian University (Taiwan)

 Mark Runco, University of Georgia (USA)

 Robert J. Taormina, University of Macau (Macau)

 Andreas Veglis, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (Greece)

International Committee Members

 Preenon Bagchi, Subharati Niriksha Foundation (India)

 Antonia Darder, Loyola Marymount University (USA)

 Chien-Juh Gu, Western Michigan University (USA) x

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 Young Hae Lee, Hanyang University (South Korea)

 Eddy K.W. Li, University of Cambridge (UK)

 Akkarapon Nuemaihom, Buriram Rajabhat University (Thailand)

 Basak Mendi, Istanbul Bilim University (Turkey)

 Chikako Morimoto, Tokyo Institute of Technology (Japan)

 Ichiko Shoji, Uuiversity of Tsukuba (Japan)

 Jung-Fa Tsai, National Taipei University of Technology (Taiwan)

 Pak Hui Wong, INTI International University (Malaysia)

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A Content Analysis on Satirical News Articles of the Adobo Chronicles From June 2013 – June 2014

Authors: Ma. Lourdes Jesil C. Capule, John Almerc T. Dy, Sheela U. Orosa, and Prof. Cherry C. Pebre, MC (Research Adviser)

Polytechnic University of the Philippines Undergraduate Students – Manila City, Philippines [email protected]

Abstract

The study analyzed how the most active Philippine satirical news website, ”The Adobo Chronicles” delivered satirical news given its place in journalism, and how it reaches the public. The researchers have sought the frequency of the website’s releases by finding out its number of published works per month during the researchers’

chosen observation period to verify its activity.

The researchers used quantitative research approach and utilized a descriptive method as research design to maximize its focus on the details. The researchers picked 82 articles from the website to analyze by using purposive probability sampling. With the gathered data and by the use of coding materials, the researchers conclude that ‘The Adobo Chronicles’ website has these following characteristics:

Almost 70 percent of the satirical news articles were written in a narrative style of writing, almost 50 percent of the satirical news articles were talking about celebrities, 50 percent of the satirical news articles mainly focusing on political themes, almost 70 percent of the satirical news articles were written straightforwardly, and almost 50 percent of the satirical news articles have a neutral tone.

Moreover, the researchers also found that the satirical news from the Adobo Chronicles mimics the format of real news; basically from its style up to the way how real news is presented. Thus, with the overall result of the study, the researchers recommend the public to be very observant on the nature of what they’re reading, so they’re assured that they’re getting a reliable and credible source of information.

Keywords: Social Sciences, Communication, Journalism, Satirical News, Social Media

References (References Used in the Full Paper) Book Sources:

Adanza, E. (1995). Research Methods: Principles and Applications (p. 81). Rex Printing Company, Inc. 84-86 P.

Florentino St., Sta. Mesa Heights, Quezon City

Baym, G.,& Jones, J. (2013). News Parody and Political Satire Across the Globe (p.1). New York: Taylor and Francis Books

Braund, S. (1996).Juvenal: Satires (pp. 17, 18). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

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Campbell, J. (2001). Yellow Journalism: Puncturing the Myths, Defining the Legacies (p. 25). Santa Barbara, California: Praeger Publishers

Carter, C. (2013). Mindscapes: Critical Reading Skills and Strategies (2nd ed.). Independence, Ky.: Heinle &

Heinle ;

Cram.(2012). E-Study Guide for Media of Mass Communication 9th Edition. Sage Publications

Davis, A. (2000). REA's Testbuster for the GMAT CAT. Piscataway, N.J.: Research & Education Association.

Ephraim, K. (2009). Reading Comprehension Instruction for Expository Text in Elementary Education Gowers, E. (2012) Horace: Satires (pp. 8, 9, 12). New York: Cambridge University Press

Griffin, D. (1994). Satire: A Critical Reintroduction (pp. 1, 4, 8). Lexington, Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky.

Gray, J., Jones, J., & Thompson, E. (2009).Satire TV: Politics and Comedy in the Post-Network Era (pp. 19, 20).

New York: New York University Press.

London, S. How the Media Frames Political Issues

Macnamara, J. Media Content Analysis: Its uses; Benefits and Best Practice Methodology. University of Technology Sydney

Mall, R. (2009). Fundamentals of Software Engineering (3rd ed. ; Eastern economy ed.). New Delhi: PHI Learning.

Meer, S. (n.d.). Different Types of Writing Styles: Expository, Descriptive, Persuasive, and Narrative.

Pernia, E. (2004). Communication Research in the Philippines: Issues and Methods. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Rose, S., Spinks, N., Canhoto, A. (2015). Management Research: Applying the Principles

Rozakis, L. (2003). The Complete Idiot's Guide to Grammar and Style (Second ed.). New York: Alpha Books.

Sterling, C. (2009). Encyclopedia of Journalism (p.1249). Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications Inc.

Warner, C. (n.d.). 38. In Narrative Techniques in Writing: Definition, Types & Examples

Wright, S. (2008). Binding Lights. California: California State Polytechnic Polytechnic University Internet Sources:

American History USA.Yellow Journalism: Present and Past. Retrieved September 24, 2014,Fromhttp://www.americanhistoryusa.com/yellow-journalism-present-and-past/

Dictionary.com | Find the Meanings and Definitions of Words ... (n.d.). Retrieved August 9, 2015.

Dictionary and Thesaurus | Merriam-Webster. (n.d.). Retrieved August 9, 2015.

Free Legal Forms & Law Dictionary | The 'Lectric Law Library. (n.d.). Retrieved August 9, 2015.

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Encyclopedia.com | Free Online Encyclopedia. (n.d.). Retrieved August 9, 2015.

F, C. (n.d.). Why Filipinos Fail to Detect Satire. Get Real Post. Retrieved September 24, 2014, from http://getrealphilippines.com/blog/2014/03

Geertzen, J. (2012). Inter-Rater Agreement with multiple raters and variables. Retrieved September 9, 2015, from https://nlp-ml.io/jg/software/ira/

GMANetwork.com - Online Home of the Kapuso Network. (n.d.). Retrieved November 27, 2015, from http://www.gmanetwork.com/

Home | Libraries | Colorado State University. (n.d.). Retrieved August 9, 2015.

Home : Oxford English Dictionary. (n.d.). Retrieved August 9, 2015.

Leon, M. d. (n.d.).Why can't many Filipinos tell truth from satire?.Rappler. Retrieved September 24, 2014, from http://www.rappler.com/move-ph/ispeak/43040-filipinos-satire-jinggoy

Macmillan Dictionary | Free English Dictionary and Thesaurus ... (n.d.). Retrieved August 9, 2015.

Realistic Fiction - Description of Story Elements and Quality Characteristics. (n.d.). Retrieved August 9, 2015.

Sterling, Christopher. Encyclopedia of Journalism. Retrieved December 14, 2014, from http://knowledge.sagepub.com/view/journalism/n342.xml

The Adobo Chronicles | About Us. (n.d.). The Adobo Chronicles. Retrieved March 9, 2015, from http://adobochronicles.com/about/

The Free Dictionary.YellowJournalism.Retrieved September 21, 2014, from http://www.thefreedictionary.com/yellow+journalism

The Onion - America's Finest News Source.(n.d.).The Onion - America's Finest News Source.fromhttp://www.theonion.com/

The Philippine Trend.(n.d.).The Philippine Trend. Retrieved September 21, 2014, from http://www.thephilippinetrend.com/#sthash

Vocabulary.com - Learn Words - English Dictionary. (n.d.). Retrieved August 9, 2015.

What is Realistic Fiction? - Definition, Characteristics & Examples | Study.com. (n.d.). Retrieved August 9, 2015 Why Can Narrative Texts be INTERPRETED in So Many Way?. (n.d). Retrieved September 23, 2015 from http://lib.oup.com.au/secondary/english/Big_Ideas_English/9/DUL_BIE9_02_77839_SPREADS.pdf

20 Evergreen Characteristics of Quality Content - Credible Content Blog. (n.d.). Retrieved August 9, 2015.

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Teaching in Higher Education - Course curricula for professional development

Laila Niklasson

Mälardalen University, Sweden [email protected]

ABSTRACT

The aim with this study is to increase our knowledge about how teachers in Higher Education get further education to increase their skills. It is not unusual that half the staff at a university are teachers. In many countries the recruitment of students increase as a consequence of longer and more extended education system. The students also have varied educational level and interest in learning. The background is demands for varied skills in teaching as one possibility to increase quality in Higher Education. These skills can be developed during introduction, induction and courses at a Higher Education institutions, as well as during informal learning by help of colleagues. The teachers are engaged in pedagogy in Higher Education but the definition of this concept varies. As a case study, one Centre for excellence is presented and critically discussed. The result showed that the design of the courses is aiming at meeting needs of teachers with a varied background. At the same time the courses have to create a common basis with knowledge of legal issues, ethics, the actual assignment as a servant of the state and the university, didactic issues concerning adult education, design of courses, ICT and insight in own development issues. An analysis shows that the content of the courses, aligns well with earlier research about teaching in Higher Education. During evaluations of the course the mentors have been mainly positive, especially concerning the possibility exchange experiences with each other. What can be questioned is the design with one track for all, irrespective of whether the teachers have a teacher exam or not. Another question can be raised about the alignment between the different courses. The conclusion is that the design of the courses could be developed concerning alignment with each other.

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Bringing Kantian Ethics to Global Politics

Suratha Kumar Malik Vidyasagar University, India Introduction

In recent years there are lot of debates on the revival of virtue ethics of normative theories, whose primary focus is on persons rather than decision-making in problematic situations, agents and the sorts of lives they lead rather than discrete acts and rules for making choices, characters and their morally relevant traits rather than laws of obligation. Contemporary theorists are often motivated by a sense of the impoverishment of modern moral traditions, for in placing primary weight on the agent rather than the act. Virtue theorists set themselves off, against what are often viewed as the two options in modern ethics-utilitarianism and de-ontologism. The traditional whipping boy in the latter case is Kant, for he is widely regarded as deontology personified the first moral theorist to place a non-derivative conception of duty at the centre of the philosophical stage, the first to establish a non-consequentiality decision procedure through his universality test, etc. In addition, virtue theorists also seem to have more historical reasons for disapproving of Kant. For the rise of quandary ethics is often associated with Enlightenment efforts to escape from tradition and the pull of local communities, and a consequent yearning for an ahistorical and universalistic conception of morality. Kant, as spokesman for the Enlightenment, is a natural target of criticism here.

On the above background, as for the relation between ethics and politics are concerned, here the paper intends to discuss the Kantian perspective as the oldest-important view on politics and ethics to mitigate the above tensions in the present era, where politics overrule ethics.

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The Categorical Imperative

Kant’s ethics has traditionally been thought of as issuing in “categorical imperatives,” which take no account of individual situations, personal differences, or extenuating circumstances. Thus Kant has effectively been stereotyped as an “ethical absolutist”, or “ethical formalist”, one who holds that, for example, it is always wrong to lie, no matter what the circumstances or consequences. In this paper I shall attempt to show of Kant’s ethical views which have been thought most objectionable and have no essential connection with his first moral principle or categorical imperative. Moreover, his principle of universality can conflict with, and is therefore not equivalent to, his principle of treating “humanity” as an “end in itself”. But to show this, it will first be necessary to consider carefully the exact nature of the difference between a hypothetical and a categorical imperative.

¹

Kant’s distinction between hypothetical and categorical imperatives is one of the fundamental features of his ethics. Unfortunately it has been almost universally misunderstood. It is, basically, nothing more than the distinction between prudential and moral rules or judgments. As Sidgwick has pointed out, “It is important to take

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The works of Immanuel Kant referred to in this paper will be cited as follows. Kant's Grundlegungzu r Metaphysikd er Sitten, the Groundwork(o r Funda-mental Principles) of the Metaphysic of Morals, is cited simply as "Grundlegung." The translation used is that of H. J.

Paton, which is contained in his book entitled The Moral Law (London, 1947). The pages referred to are the ones given in the margin of Paton's book, which are those of the second edition of the Grundlegung. After the reference to Paton's translation, I have given the corresponding reference to the translation by T. K. Abbott, in Kant's Critique of Practical Reason and Other Works on the Theory of Ethics, 6th ed. (London, i909). The pages cited are those Abbott inserts in the body of the text (and in brackets at the top of each page), which refer to Rozenkranz and Schubert's edition of Kant's works. Kant's Critique of Practical Reason is cited simply as "Practical Reason." The translation used is Abbott's. Here also the pages referred to are those Abbott places in the body of the text. The translation used of Kant's Philosophyo f Law (Metaphysische Anfangsgrinde derR echtslehre) isthe one by W. Hastie (Edinburgh, i887). In the cases where the same passage appears in Abbott's edition, the corresponding reference is given to the regular pages of Abbott's book, not to the inserted page numbers. The regular page numbers of Abbott's work are also used in referring to the other writings of Kant included in it. The abbre- viation used in such cases is simply "Abbott, p, -." Kant's Lectureso n Ethics were translated by Louis Infield (London, 1930).

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separately the two species of judgments.... distinguished as ‘moral’ and ‘prudential’ ... In ordinary thought we clearly distinguish cognitions or judgments of duty from cognitions or judgments as to what ‘is right’ or ‘ought to be done’ in view of the agent’s private interest or happiness.

²

A hypothetical imperative is a rule (or ‘counsel’) of prudence; a categorical imperative is a moral rule (or ‘law’). A categorical imperative is a moral imperative. It is not one from which we can escape by abandoning some purpose. For it is not conditional upon any purpose of the agent. As Kant says, “an unconditioned command does not leave it open to the will to do the opposite at its discretion....”

³

But when Kant first speaks of a categorical imperative, he says that it is not conditioned by, or conditional upon, any purpose of the agent, and he distinguishes it from a hypothetical imperative precisely on the ground that the latter is conditional upon some purpose of the agent.

Perhaps the most famous instance of Kant’s rigorism is his almost fanatical insistence that it is always wrong to lie, that one cannot lie even to save someone from being killed. Thus, Kant maintains that the precept “Obey the authority which has power over you, is a Categorical Imperative … which forbids investigating into how this power has been attained, at least with any view to undermining it” and says that “resistance on the part of the people to the supreme legislative power of the state, is in no case legitimate.... It is the duty of the people to bear any abuse of the Supreme Power, even though it should be considered to be unbearable.”

⁴

My argument here is that, Kant’s ethical rigorism or absolutism is not only unwarranted by his fundamental moral principle, but is actually incompatible with it. It will be well to make this argument more explicit. Rigorism is the view that there are certain moral rules that hold in all

2

Henry Sidgwick, The Methods of Ethics, 7th ed. (I907), pp. 25-26.

3

Grundlegung,Pa ton 50, Abbott 45.

4

Philosophy of Law, pp. 256-257.

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circumstances or under all conditions. On this view, then, certain actions are always wrong, no matter what the circumstances and no matter what their purposes. Thus Kant, in this mood, holds that lying is an action of this type. Now the categorical imperative is advanced as a principle for determining whether any act is right or wrong. But it cannot be applied to an action taken apart from any determinate context. It must always be applied to an action considered as taking place in certain circum-stances, or for a certain purpose. Thus Kant’s ethical rigorism is neither a consequence of, nor compatible with, his first moral principle. Rigorism is, therefore, purely arbitrary. The particular rules selected as holding absolutely are selected arbitrarily. There is no good reason for selecting this one instead of that, for saying that it is always wrong to lie but not always wrong to kill or to fail to help another human being in distress. Kant’s ethical rigorism is thus no argument against the validity of the categorical imperative as a moral principle.

Ethics and politics

Kant argues that ethics, or rather morality for him, and politics do not come into conflict because ethics places limits on what can be done in politics. Kant’s understanding of politics as bending its knee before ethics may suggest that, he has no conception of the reality of politics.

Yet in some ways his view shows more awareness of the complexities of politics than Derrida’s.

Kant notes that following ethical imperatives should be combined with political wisdom or an understanding of how best to institute or work toward perpetual peace. Furthermore, Kant sees it as important to explain why there is a perceived conflict between ethics and politics and to make some caveats and exceptions to his general view. First, adherence to political maxims must derive from the concept of the duty of right. Within states, these rights are to freedom, equality, and independence, which are the principles upon which states should be established. For morals in the form of right, to be applied in politics, Kant maintains that rights must be able to be made

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public. His transcendental formula of public right is ‘all actions relating to the rights of others are wrong if their maxim is incompatible with publicity’.in the words of Kant “The right of human beings must be held sacred, however great a sacrifice this may cost the ruling power”

⁵

. This principle is both ethical (part of the doctrine of virtue) and juridical (related to right), and Kant attempts to show how it is relevant to civil, international, and cosmopolitan right.

On Kant’s account, politics can be made commensurable with morality only within a federative union of states that maintains peace: Thus the harmony of politics with morals is possible only within a federative union (which is therefore given a priori and is necessary by principles of right), and all political prudence has for its rightful basis the establishment of such a union in its greatest possible extent, without which end all its sub tilizing is unwisdom and veiled injustice.

⁶

In the ‘Groundwork’ Kant contrasts an ethics of autonomy, in which the will is the basis of its own law, from the ethics of heteronomy, in which something independent of the will, such as happiness, is the basis of moral law. Freedom is the Basis of the State. There is only one innate

5

The second transcendental principle of public right is as follows: 'All maxims which need publicity (in order not to fail in their end) harmonize with right and pol itics combined' (ibid., 8:380). Kant's argument for this principle is that if maxims can only be successful through publicity, they must correspond to the universal public end, which is hap piness, and for him this is what politics must do.

6

Kant's examples of ethical constraints on politics between states include the non acquisition of existing states, the abolition of standing armies, no national debts with regard to external affairs, non-interference with the governments of other states, and not using duplic itous means in war;

definitive articles recommend republicanism for all states, a federalism of free states, and the cosmopolitan right of hospitality. Kant examines three cases of apparent conflict between politics and morals in international right and presents their resolution: where one nation promises to aid another nation but decides to release itself from the promise because of the effects that keeping the promise would have on its own well-being, where lesser nations could not make public the idea that they intend to attack a greater power preemptively, and where a large nation could not make it known that it would absorb smaller nations if it thought that necessary to its preservation (Kant, Practical Philosophy, 8:385). Third, Kant says that cosmopolitan right's maxims work by analogy to those of international right. Cosmopolitan right is interesting since the power imbalance between individuals and states is enormous.

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right, says Kant, ‘Freedom’ (independence from being constrained by another’s choice), insofar as it can coexist with the freedom of every other in accordance with a universal law. Kant rejects any other basis for the state, in particular arguing that the welfare of citizens cannot be the basis of state power and argues that a state cannot legitimately impose any particular conception of happiness upon its citizens. Freedom is not the only basis for principles underlying the state. In

‘Theory and Practice’ Kant makes freedom the first of three principles: (i) the freedom of every member of the state as a human being (ii) The equality of each with every other as a subject (iii) The independence of every member of a commonwealth as a citizen.

Furthermore Kant’s conception of morality (Moralität) as opposed to legality (Legalität), differs basically from the Aristotelian conception of ethos and its intimate relation with the written laws of the polis and (oral) ethical deliberation. For Kant there is a fundamental difference between the law in its relation with an external action (legality), and with the internal motivations of such actions (morality). In other words, the mediation between ethics and public policy is conceived as mainly a theoretical task to be achieved on the basis of censorship-free and printed diffusion of critical scientific thinking.

On Kant’s account, politics can be made commensurable with morality only within a federative union of states that maintains peace. Thus the harmony of politics with morals is possible only within a federative union, and all political prudence has for its rightful basis, the establishment of such a union in its greatest possible extent, without which it is unwisdom and veiled injustice.

Kant, as spokesman for the Enlightenment, is a natural target of criticism here. For conceptual as well as historical reasons then, Kantian ethics has suffered badly under the current revival of virtue campaign.

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Tensions between Ethics and Politics

Kant understands of politics as bending its knee before ethics may suggest that he has no conception of the reality of politics. Yet in some ways his view shows more awareness of the complexities of politics than Derrida's. Kant notes that following ethical imperatives should be combined with political wisdom or an understanding of how best to institute or work toward perpetual peace.

⁷

This is what it means to be as wise as a ser pent. Furthermore, Kant sees it as important to explain why there is a perceived conflict between ethics and politics and to make some caveats and exceptions to his general view. First, adherence to political maxims must derive from the concept of the duty of right. Within states, these rights are to freedom, equality, and independence, which are the principles upon which states should be established.

⁸

For morals in the form of right to be applied in politics, Kant maintains that rights must be able to be made public. His transcendental formula of public right is 'All actions relating to the rights of others are wrong if their maxim is incompatible with publicity.'

⁹

The key idea is that actions that affect the rights of others are unacceptable if they need to be kept secret. However, the reverse is not held to be true-actions that are consistent with publicity are not necessarily right, as Kant

7

Kant, Practical Philosophy, 8:377.

8

In 'On the common saying: That may be correct in theory, but it is of no use in prac tice,' Kant defines the principles of a civil state as (1) the freedom of every member of the society as a human being, (2) his equality with every other as a subject, and (3) the indepen dence of every member of a commonwealth as a citizen (ibid., 8:290); and likewise in Immanuel Kant, The Metaphysics of Morals (in ibid., 6:314), and in Immanuel Kant, Perpetual Peace, Kant says that the principles of a Republican state are freedom, equality, and the dependence 'of all upon a single common legislation (as subjects)' (in ibid., 8:350). A comparison of Kant's republicanism with Derrida's idea of democracy is one I do not have the space to pursue here.

9

Ibid., 8:381. The second transcendental principle of public right is as follows: 'All maxims which need publicity (in order not to fail in their end) harmonize with right and pol itics combined' (ibid., 8:386). Kant's argument for this principle is that if maxims can only be successful through publicity, they must correspond to the universal public end, which is hap piness, and for him this is what politics must do.

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observes, because a very powerful state can be quite open about its maxims.

¹⁰

The power of such a state means it does not have to be concerned about opposition or resistance to its maxims. Kant argues for this principle of public right as follows: For a maxim that I cannot divulge without thereby defeating my own pur pose, one that absolutely must be kept secret if it is to succeed and that I cannot publicly acknowledge without unavoidably arousing everyone's opposition to my project, can derive this necessary and universal, hence a priori foreseeable, resistance of everyone to me only from the injustice with which it threatens everyone.

¹¹

This principle is both ethical (part of the doctrine of virtue) and juridical (related to right), and Kant attempts to show how it is relevant to civil, international, and cosmopolitan right. First, civil right concerns right within a state. Kant upholds the right of human beings to respect by the state, saying, 'The right of human beings must be held sacred, however great a sacrifice this may cost the ruling power.'

¹²

Nevertheless, with regard to the rights of people against the state, Kant argues that rebellion is shown to be wrong by the fact that publicly revealing a maxim of rebel lion would make it impossible, whereas a head of state can publicly declare their willingness to punish rebels.

¹³

I will say more about this point further on. Kant's view is that systems of law are justified by their foundation. Once they are founded, however, they should not be overthrown. In contrast, Derrida believes that a system of law can only be justified by what comes after its institution. Second, international right is the right of nations. This right, Kant says, must be an enduring free

10

Ibid., 8:385.

11

Ibid., 8:381.

12

Ibid., 8:380.

13

There has been a great deal of interest in Kant's condemnation of rebellion here, par ticularly since he is a well-known supporter of the French Revolution; ibid., 6:320-23. See, for example, Kimberly Hutchings, Kant, Critique, and Politics (London: Routledge, 1996), 46; and Hannah Arendt, Lectures on Kant's Political Philosophy, ed. Ronald Beiner (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 44-51.

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association between states.

¹⁴

Cosmopolitan right is the right to hospitality or the right to visit all the countries in the world. On Kant's account, politics can be made commensurable with morality only within a federative union of states that maintains peace: Thus the harmony of politics with morals is possible only within a federative union (which is therefore given a priori and is necessary by principles of right), and all political prudence has for its rightful basis the establishment of such a union in its greatest possible extent, without which end all its sub tilizing is un-wisdom and veiled injustice.

¹⁵

This point suggests, reasonably, that so long as states are at war or are not willing to pursue peace, political practice and morality are likely to conflict.

Although Kant believes that politics can be made commensurable with morality, he concedes that practical circumstances or conditions can make it difficult to bring this ideal into effect and that it may be brought about gradually. For instance, states may have to wait to introduce reforms until it can be done peacefully.

¹⁶

In her book Kant's Politics, Elisabeth Ellis discusses the role that provisional right, or right that acknowledges the difficult circumstances under which we are

14

Kant's examples of ethical constraints on politics between states include the non acquisition of existing states, the abolition of standing armies, no national debts with regard to external affairs, non-interference with the governments of other states, and not using duplic itous means in war;

definitive articles recommend republicanism for all states, a federalism of free states, and the cosmopolitan right of hospitality. Kant examines three cases of apparent conflict between politics and morals in international right and presents their resolution: where one nation promises to aid another nation but decides to release itself from the promise because of the effects that keeping the promise would have on its own well-being, where lesser nations could not make public the idea that they intend to attack a greater power preemptively, and where a large nation could not make it known that it would absorb smaller nations if it thought that necessary to its preservation (Kant, Practical Philosophy, 8:383-84). Third, Kant says that cosmopolitan right's maxims work by analogy to those of international right. Cosmopolitan right is interesting since the power imbalance between individuals and states is enormous.

15

Ibid., 8:385.

16

Another example Kant gives is that it cannot be demanded of a state that it give up its constitution even though this is a despotic one (which is, for all that, the stronger kind in relation to external enemies), so long as it runs the risk of being at once devoured by other states; hence, as for that resolution, it must also be permitted to postpone putting it into effect until a more favorable time. (Ibid., 8:373). Thus, it is reasonable to wait until the state is secure from invasion before rectifying injustice if that injustice is protecting the state.

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likely to be applying morals, plays in Kant's account of politics.

¹⁷

She notes that Kant recommends that even in the midst of war, for example, we should act 'in accordance with principles that always leave open the possibility of . . . entering a rightful condition.”

¹⁸

In this way, Kant provides guidance to those making decisions in less than ideal conditions. While Kant is confident about ethics and politics 'agreeing,' there are some complicated exceptions he mentions in the essay ‘on the common saying: that may be correct in theory but it is of no use in practice.'

¹⁹

He observes that sometimes unconditional or perfect and conditional or imperfect duties might conflict. This sense of imperfection refers to the latitude allowed in fulfilling the duty rather than a state of imperfection in societies that are not yet governed ideally, which provisional right is concerned with. Kant defines a perfect duty as 'one that admits no exception in favor of inclination' (1996a, 4:422), whereas an imperfect duty is one that is virtu ous and worthy to fulfill but it is not culpable not to do so unless that is made into a principle (1996a, 6:

390). I should note here that this distinction between perfect and imperfect duties divides the virtues. Duties of the virtue of respect to others are perfect, whereas duties of love are not, or, in other words, we have discretion as to when we should follow them.

²⁰

Such duties may conflict if it is a matter of preventing some catastrophe to the state by betraying a man who might stand in the relationship to another of father and son. This prevention of trouble to the former is an unconditional duty, whereas preventing misfortune to the latter is only a conditional duty (namely, insofar as he has not made himself guilty of a crime against the state). One of the

17

Elisabeth Ellis, Kant's Politics: Provisional Theory for an Uncertain World (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2005), 112-54.

18

Kant, Practical Philosophy, 6:347

19

Ibid.

20

Another way Kant puts this point is that although respect 'is a mere duty of virtue, it is regarded as narrow in comparison with a duty of love, and it is the latter that is considered a wide duty'; ibid., 6:450.

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relatives might report the other's plans to the authorities with the utmost reluctance, but he is compelled by necessity (namely, moral necessity).

²¹

In this case, the duty to prevent catastrophe to the state clearly trumps the duty to prevent misfortune to a relative provided the relative is acting treacherously.

In The Metaphysics of Morals, Kant says that “there is a categorical imperative, Obey the authority who has power over you (in whatever does not conflict with inner morality).”

²²

Morals can conflict with political practice if a leader demands we do something unethical, and when they do we must obey morals. However, here and elsewhere, as I noted, Kant con demns revolutions, a condemnation that seems counter to his own theory. It is rarely observed that Kant had an ingenious caveat to his view on revolutions. In his notes concerning the 'Doctrine of Right,' he comments, Force, which does not presuppose a judgment having the validity of law [,]

is against the law; consequently the people cannot rebel except in the cases which cannot at all come forward in a civil union, e.g., the enforcement of a religion, compulsion to unnatural crimes, assassination, etc.

²³

The implication appears to be that if such acts were generally forced upon a people, they could not properly be in a civil union. Therefore, tyrannical and totalitarian regimes may well not count as civil unions for Kant. Then revolution could be ethical in the sense that such a revolution would be creating a civil union. Thus such examples of conflict between duties to the state and other duties that could be brought against Kant would be accounted for by this caveat. However, revolution for such reasons as poor government or inequity would still be excluded as they could occur in a civil union. Cases where the state tried

21

Ibid., 8:301.

22

Ibid., 6:371.

23

Immanuel Kant, "Doctrine of Right," in The Metaphysics of Morals, ed. Mary Gregor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), XIX, 594-95, quoted in Robert J. Dostal,

"Judging Human Action: Arendt's Appropriation of Kant," Review of Metaphysics 37 (1984):

732.

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to prevent philanthropy provide other examples of conflict between politics and morality, this time relevant to the doc trine of virtue. Kant also believes that politics and virtue should agree, but notes that philanthropy is an imperfect duty, or in other words that how it is fulfilled is to a great extent a matter of discretion. In any case, his view is that politics easily agrees with this sense of morality ‘in order to surrender the rights of human beings to their superiors.’

²⁴

What he has in mind here is that 'politics,' or rather those in power, like to pretend that perfect duties of right are imperfect duties that they bestow only as benevolence and so are very ready to claim they are moral in that sense. This distinction between perfect and imperfect duties, a distinction rejected by Derrida, is important to conceiving an ethical politics, I argue.

Derrida’s view that we must negotiate between ethics and politics leaves us with the question of how far toward each we should tend in our negotiations. Ethics with its unconditional demands is impossible to satisfy for Derrida, and politics must be limited by ethics. They seem to act as constraints on each other such that the decision, and the action, will always lie somewhere between the two. There is an in-between position or many in-between positions that Levinas gestures toward in 'Politics After!’ He accepts with Kant and Hannah Arendt that a world government is not desirable, and yet believes we need to go beyond their views to think of a 'democracy to come' (la democratie a' venir) that will unite law and justice.

²⁵

Kant’s Regulative Ideals and the Categorical Imperative

24

Kant, Practical Philosophy, 8:386.

25

Ibid., 120.

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Kant discusses the notion of regulative ideas in the Critique of Pure Reason.

²⁶

These regulative ideas are that of the existence of the human soul, an independent world, and God. These ideas cannot be proven; nevertheless we should posit them as they play an important role in our thinking by directing our studies of psychology and physics in the case of our ideas of the soul and the world. The idea of God provides the sense that everything in the world is part of an organized unity-'as if all such connection had its source in one single all embracing being, as the supreme and all-sufficient cause.'

²⁷

At one point, Kant says that virtue 'is an ideal and unattainable, while yet constant approximation to it is a duty.'

²⁸

Derrida’s Criticism to Kant

Derrida sees Kant as both irresponsible and totalitarian in prescribing rules for action as if we were nothing more than calculating machines. Furthermore, Derrida criticizes Kant for conflating right and virtue or assuming that politics can be deduced from ethics. One commentator, Olivia Custer, finds this reading of Kant as emerging most clearly in Derrida's discussion of hospitality, where Derrida criticizes Kant for imposing restrictions on hospitality, thereby turning an ethical concept into a juridical one.

²⁹

As I noted earlier, for Kant virtue is that part of morality or ethics that cannot be enforced or made part of politics. Thus, the accusation that Kant thinks one can deduce politics from ethics, understood as politics deduced from virtue, is inaccurate. Kant did not think that virtue and right were necessarily co-implicated but instead had a hope that people would live according to the virtues of love and respect once right

26

Immanuel Kant, The Critique of Pure Reason, trans. Norman Kemp Smith (London:

Macmillan, 1986), A669-704, B697-732.

27

Ibid.,A686,B714.

28

Kant, Practical Philosophy, 6:409.

29

Derrida, On Cosmopolitanism and Forgiveness, 21-22; and Olivia Custer, "Kant after Derrida:

Inventing Oneself out of an Impossible Choice," in Rothfield, Kant after Derrida, 171-204.

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restrained politics. In fact, Derrida himself brings virtue into politics by emphasizing the importance of ethical concepts such as unconditional hospitality and forgiveness to polItics.

Kant's further distinction between perfect and imperfect duties demon strates the problems with Derrida’s reading.

For Kant, we are able to formulate moral laws for ourselves and act on them. He says that it takes only ‘common human reason' to work out our duty and that ‘I do not . . . need any penetrating acuteness to see what I have to do in order that my volition be morally good.’

³⁰

Kant notes, however, that we can never be completely sure that our motives are pure.

³¹

In the next section I will show how Kant's account fares better in relation to human rights, as an example of true non-negotiability.

Reconstructing Human Rights

On the issue of human rights, Kant's overall framework is more pro ductive than Derrida's even though he identifies inconsistencies in Kant's account. Kant's argument provides an important step toward an ethical politics, in spite of his unappealing condemnation of revolutions and lack of consideration of conflicts between human rights and duties to the state. Such a politics is one where at the very least certain human rights are respected. It should be noted that

30

Kant, Practical Philosophy, 4:403. Kant observed that even experts could lack judgment in his essay on theory and practice: [T]here can be theoreticians who can never in their lives become practical because they are lacking in judgment, for example, physicians or jurists who did well in their schooling but who are at a loss when they have to give an expert opinion. (Ibid., 8:275) He thinks that this is due to a lack of the ‘natural talent’ of judgment. But, as Kant makes clear, this difficulty in judgment applies to certain professional fields, not to ethics.

31

Ibid. 4:407-8.

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Derrida refers to the Declaration of Human Rights as a means of challenging the sovereignty of states.

³²

Certainly Kant’s account of the details of the principles of right leaves much to be desired particularly that of independence as a citizen, as he excludes women and non-property owners from the role of active citizens.

³³

Nevertheless, one could extend this principle in an inclusive way. Another problem I see in Kant's account of right is his acceptance of capital punishment for the crimes of high treason and murder.

³⁴

This acceptance appears to be in conflict with the categorical imperative to treat everyone as ends in themselves and with the whole tenor of the Kantian view that we should treat others with respect. However, as Nelson Potter argues, in both these cases Kant can be revised in a manner that makes his view more consistent, particularly since Kant himself was offering a critique of the contemporary cruel punishments often carried out as well as arguing for a limitation on the crimes capital punishment should be applied to.

³⁵

These are reconstructions that would be necessary for genuine compatibility between ethics and politics, in my view. Kant's ideas of rights need to be reconstructed in a number of ways, some of which they already have been in practice (at least widely), to include women as active citizens, and some of which they have not, to exclude capital punishment, for example. An ethical politics should make an explicit commitment to certain rights and work out how they can be established and upheld.

Conclusion

32

Derrida, Rogues, 88.

33

Ibid., 6:314-15. Kant makes a distinction between active citizens, who are independent and can vote, and passive ones, who he argues are dependent on the will of others.

34

Ibid., 6:320, 6:333.

35

Nelson Potter, "Kant and Capital Punishment Today," Journal of Value Inquiry 36, nos. 2/3 (2002): 267-82.

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Derrida’s demanding view of ethics highlights some of the gaps in Kant's vision. Derrida is right to claim that he goes beyond Kant. I contend that in raising the importance of virtue as well as right to politics, his view is an important advance on Kant's. Derrida's focus on unconditional ethics brings the imperfect duties of Kant to the forefront of politics. This insis tence on the importance of unconditional ethical demands to politics forces us to think more carefully about the role of these demands and about the responsibility of both ethics and politics to each other.

Derrida's work reminds us how significant ethical virtues involved in hospitality, friend ship, and forgiveness, for example, are to public life. Nevertheless, although his account demonstrates the significance of ethics to politics, it does not clarify how important ethics should be or suggest what conditions would facilitate the negotiation between ethics and politics. Precisely because Derrida goes further than Kant by bringing up the importance of the virtues, he should have more to say about what would make them flourish. While Derrida goes beyond Kant in emphasizing the importance of virtue or imperfect duties, he does not advance beyond Kant by suggesting what kind of political structures would enable the flourishing of these virtues. While Kant was probably a little too confident about the ease with which we act ethically (although without being sure that we are doing so), ethical demands need to be within the realms of possibility for us to be able to cultivate ethical responses and to construct political structures that support the ethical life. Kant expresses a vision where one focuses on enforcing what needs to be enforced while leaving the other aspects of ethics to look after themselves, whereas I argue that we should also consider how to at least encourage virtue. These are the problems I believe need to be addressed in conceptualizing an ethical politics. What emerges is that the most credible conception of the relation between ethics and politics is one that considers both the norms of right that Kant outlines.

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What I mean is that the limits to action set up by Kant should be acknowledged (and in some instances extended) and that political organization should take account of the need for practical benevolence and ethical responses. Understanding the intersection of ethics and politics in this way requires a sense of what it is to act with respect and benevolence for others, so that all decisions have these ethical standards as touchstones to judgment. In order for Derrida's suggestion of an expansion of the ethical realm to make sense, political life would involve creating the best conditions for ethical relations to ourselves and to others, in addition to the constraints Kant believes ethics should place on politics. While we should acknowledge the special circumstances of politics, politics should be ethical in more than one sense. However, I disagree with Kant that we should simply hope that virtue follows in the wake of right or, to think of it another way, that love will follow respect because every aspect of our lives is affected by political decisions. These ethical considerations are relevant to the three spheres that Kant discusses-relations within states, between states, and between states and individuals. It is also relevant to relations between individuals. Thus, the complexities of including the virtues in an ethical politics would have to be carefully considered with regard to all these relations. These features of an ethical politics involve both basic human rights as advocated by Kant and the cultivation of virtues as suggested by Derrida. Furthermore, pursuit of the virtues itself can facilitate a transformation of politics and political conditions. Between Kant's possible ideals and Derrida's impossible real, there is a possibility of ethical and political action that is not simply ameliorative. Politics must be conceived in a way that makes negotiating with ethics a more promising affair.

The theoretical model of Kantian perspective will help full for research purpose and the relevance of kantian theory of Universal Category (Categorical Imperative) is the need of the

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time to mitigate the tension between politics and ethics, as the politics of today’s world have no ethical values. Therefore this is the high time to look back Immanuel Kant. The article will help the researchers, academicians, not only of political science but philosophy, logic and literature. It will helpful for international theorist and human right domain.

Selected Bibliography

Jeffrey W. Miller (Spring, 2009, “Kantian Ethics in a Connecticut Yankee”, American Literary Realism, Vol. 41, No. 3, Special Issue on Mark Twain, pp. 263-277Published by: University of Illinois Press.

Marcus G. Singer, (1954)“the Categorical Imperative”, The Philosophical Review, Vol. 63, No. 4 , pp. 577-591.

Marguerite La Caze, (2007)“At the Intersection: Kant, Derrida, and the Relation between Ethics and Politics”, Political Theory, Vol. 35, No. 6, pp. 781-805.

Radoslav A. Tsanoff (1910), Schopenhauer’s Criticism of Kant's Theory of Ethics, The Philosophical Review, Vol. 19, No. 5, pp. 512-534.

Robert B. Louden (1986), “Kant’s Virtue Ethics”, Philosophy, Vol. 61, No. 238, pp. 473-489, Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of Royal Institute of Philosophy.

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INTERROGATING THE NEXUS BETWEEN REVEALED TRUTHS, IDEOLOGY AND TERRORISM.

Dr. Innocent Oyibo

Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies (Faculty Member), Kogi State University, P.M.B 1008, Ayangba, Kogi State

Tel.: 00234 (0) 8032601227 Email: [email protected]

ABSTRACT

A core philosophical underpinning that characterizes radical groups like Al Shabbab, Al- Qaida and Boko Haram in contemporary times is the “divine mandate” to restore Islam to its pristine conditions and install an Islamic caliphate to replace secular political authority. The rise of western economic philosophy of capitalism and democracy seemed in the eyes of these radical groups to have impinged on the house of Islam as experienced in its idyllic form most especially during the Ottoman Empire. Embarking on a delineation between “us” and “the other” or "them", these radical Islamic groups, who generally subscribe to Salafi-Jihadists’

doctrines as it were consider the "other" either belongs to Ahl al-Sunnah (people of the prophetic tradition) or belong to Ahl al-Bid’ah (people of forbidden innovations). This has led to tragic consequences. Anyone perceived not to be in tandem with their own perspective of the truth is perceived an enemy, an apostate and becomes a target of elimination. Hence, this problematic has an epistemological, political as well as theological dimension. This paper sets itself a threefold fold task: firstly, to offer a framework of analysis for understanding of the concept of truth among Salafis. Secondly, to apply this model to the case of Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria. And thirdly, drawing on observations in the first task, it will espouse the inherent relationship between dogmatic contents of the so-called revealed religions, ideology and terrorism. The question that undergirds this paper is this: what is the nexus between the concept of revealed truths, ideology and terrorism? How does the notion of truth among Salafi-Jihadists translate into the philosophical and theological foundation of an ideology and into acts of terrorism and violence?

Keywords: Religious Terrorism, Violence, Salafism, Boko Haram

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The influence of statistical versus narrative health claims on consumers' food product evaluation

Hung-Chou Lin, Sheng-Hsien Lee

National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei City, Taiwan Yu Da University of Science and Technology, Miaoli County, Taiwan

*Corresponding author email: [email protected]

Abstract

A number of studies have examined the comparative effects of narrative and statistical messages, however it remains unclear whether statistical or narrative messages may generate more persuasive effectiveness. Moreover, most of the previous studies with respect to message types mainly focus on the influences of statistical and narrative messages in advertising on consumers’ behavior, it is unknown how consumers evaluate different message types shown on the packages of food products.

The present research aims at exploring the underlying mechanisms how consumers respond to statistical and narrative health claims when they evaluate food products. In addition, personality traits are also incorporated to discuss their effects on the relationship between message types and consumers’

food product evaluation. The results of the present research indicate that statistical health claims are more persuasive than narrative health claims. In addition, the results of this article show that individuals’ health knowledge and need for cognition (NFC) moderate the relationship between message types and product evaluation.

It argues that individuals with limited health knowledge evaluate food product more favorably when statistical health claims are used, while individuals with more health knowledge evaluate food product more favorably when narrative health claims are used. Moreover, it reveals that individuals with high NFC evaluate food product more favorably when statistical health claims are used, while individuals with low NFC evaluate food product more favorably when narrative health claims are used.

Finally, both theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

Keywords: health claims; statistical messages; narrative messages; health knowledge; need for cognition

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PERCEPTUAL REASONING INDEX AND PARENTS’ EDUCATION IN PREDICTING EXTRAVERSION TYPE OF PERSONALITY

Nazirah Hanim Sharipudin

¹

, Nasir Yusoff

¹

*, Muhamad S. B. Yusoff

²

1. Department of Neurosciences, School of Medical Sciences, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Health Campus, 16150 Kubang Kerian, Kelantan, Malaysia 2. Medical Education Department, School of Medical Sciences, Universiti Sains

Malaysia, Health Campus, 16150 Kubang Kerian, Kelantan, Malaysi