CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.3 Sexual Experience
In some parts of Africa, young men participate in initiation practices, or rites of passage, as part of the process of socialization (Mgqolozana, 2009). A review of studies of young men notes that in parts of Eastern Uganda as part of the rite of passage young men undergo circumcision and are required to spend a certain period of time in seclusion, healing from the process (Barker and Ricardo, 2005). After the month-long healing process is completed, the young man is encouraged to engage in sexual relations with any village woman of his choice (provided it is not the woman he intends to marry). Through this ritualised sex, the young man is said to rid himself of “evil and boyish spirits.” He is also urged to have “live sex,” which refers to unprotected sex. Barker and Ricardo (2005) report stories and experiences of young men who had undergone circumcision without anaesthesia and sometimes even pour salt and/or pepper to their wounds. The rites of passage involving ‘circumcision without anaesthesia’, or the act of ‘pouring salt and/or pepper on the wound’ and/or having “live sex” are meant to socialize the boys to feel courageous and fearless. Morrell and Swart (2004: 106) observe in Uganda that “through circumcision, all men become heroes. They are heroes because they have suffered the ordeal with dignity.” In addition, Morrell and Swart (2004) observe that in Uganda after circumcision men are expected to marry and establish their household and take responsibility for dependents.
highest proportions of women who reported that they were not sexually active prior to marriage;
Kenya has the lowest.
In their review, Barker and Ricardo (2005) note that in many cultures, young men experience pressure to be sexually active and to have multiple sexual partners. In South Africa, MacPhail and Campbell (2001) found that if a young man does not have sex with a girl, his reputation may become tainted. Barker and Ricardo (2005) argue that these sexual experiences are viewed by peers as a sign of sexual competence or achievement, rather than acts of intimacy and this pattern of sexual behaviour often persists into adulthood and has direct implications for the spread of HIV/AIDS.
While lack of sexual awareness and experience remains highly valued for young women, men may be stigmatized if they cannot demonstrate sexual experience (Varga, 2001; Wood and Jewkes, 2001; Barker and Ricardo, 2005; Izugbara, 2008). In her study of young Zulu men in KwaZulu-Natal, Varga (2001) found that a significant minority of young men would prefer to abstain from sex before marriage but they feel obliged to engage in sexual relations because of fear of social rejection. Young men face pressure not only from other men but also from young women, which reinforces traditional views about manhood and sexuality.
In a qualitative study in Nigeria, Izugbara (2008) analyses the “abstinence-until-marriage” policy and highlights the contradictory sentiment of rural Nigerian male youth with regard to masculinity scripts, which emphasizes sexual experimentation and multiple partnerships as a feature of manhood and the policy of “abstinence-only until marriage” is intended to enhance youth sexual health (Izugbara, 2008) The study found that rural Nigerian young males understand abstinence as two-folded: on one hand, abstinence helps young males to “grown into healthy, strong and confident male; to conserve their strength, virility, and fertility until marriage”. At the same time, however, participants noted that abstinence could also be detrimental to their sexual and reproductive health, impacting their virility, and causing them frustration (Izugbara, 2008:
18). The author reports that in their daily lives rural young males were persuaded that having girlfriends and having sex were critical in socializing young males on their future roles of fathers,
husbands, and breadwinners. In this regard, abstinence was therefore viewed as likely to rob male youth of the requisite early experiences and learning they needed to undertake these tasks later in life. In addition, since having sex was viewed as a marker of full manhood, abstention was associated with the capacity to cause young males disrespect, ridicule, and disdain among their peers (Izugbara, 2008). The author concludes that the social context in which they live, particularly the norms and scripts which organize and shape their behaviours, including sexual behaviours, ultimately may persuade young males to engage in risky behaviours in order to maintain their reputation among their peers and society at large.
In Maputo Karlyn (2005) observes how gender roles regulate the behaviour of men and women.
Traditional gender roles emphasizes male sexual prowess with a focus on performance and being in charge. Thus, boys learn that men should always want sex and that all physical contact leads to penetrative sex and ejaculation. Young men interviewed in Maputo consistently expressed such rigid gender roles and this is mostly illustrated by the belief that men always want to have sex and they would be able to have sex everyday without a problem. In contrast, traditional gender roles emphasize passivity, compliance, physical appeal and being a wife and mother. Thus, girls learn that they should place more emphasis on pleasing men sexually than on their own sexual pleasure (Karlyn, 2005). Many girls accept that sex is for men and as a result, women should not talk about or want sex. However, the study found that some women maintain that it is important not to give in too quickly to male demands for sex.
Pettifor et al. (2009) in South Africa found that although the majority of young people did not report having had sex at an early age, eighteen percent of young men and eight percent of young women reported early sexual debut (15 years-old or before). Early sexual debut was associated with having an older first sexual partner among males and females and forced sex among females. The authors concluded that because of the high prevalence of HIV infection in the general population, sexual behaviours which might be deemed low risk in low-prevalence settings represent a much greater risk in high-prevalence risk settings such as South Africa (Pettifor et al., 2009). A study in Zimbabwe found that early coital debut was a significant predictor of HIV infection independent of other identified factors in the population under
investigation (Pettifor et al., 2004). In this regard, women with early coital debut had a significantly higher risk profile including multiple lifetime partners (Pettifor et al., 2004).