CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.2 Socialization
A review of studies of men in Africa identified the role of socialization as a key determinant of male risk-taking behaviour (Barker and Ricardo, 2005; Shefer and Ruiters, 1998; Mankayi, 2008;
Pearson and Makadzange, 2008; Ampofo, 2001). At an early age, children learn to distinguish male and female roles and expectations. In many cultures, boys are generally taught to be tough, decisive, and powerful and decision-makers while girls are socialized to be passive, innocent, submissive and refrain from decision-making (Elisabeth et al., 2003; Ampofo, 2001). A qualitative study in Zambia among young boys found that men were perceived as physically strong, bold, hardworking, powerful, courageous and the head of the household (Elisabeth et al., 2003). This is illustrated by the following comment by one participant in a focus group discussion who stated that a man ‘ought to be married and have children. He should be knowledgeable, hardworking and take responsibility for the family by providing money for food for his wife and his children and, in general, be a good leader of his family, set a good example’
(Elisabeth et al., 2003).
In a qualitative study in Ghana, Ampofo (2001) describes how girls and boys since their early teenager years are socialized to learn particular behaviours that are widely perceived as appropriate for boys and girls. Children make the conceptual distinctions between female and male at an early age and they begin to express sex role preferences at this time (Ampofo, 2001).
The findings of the study indicate that young adolescents had been socialized to define appropriate female and male roles as opposite and polarised. Girls are thought to assume domestic roles and a position of deference in relation to males, and boys tended to express a sense of entitlement and assume a position of dominance in male-female relationships. According to the author, this was not uncommon in all areas of decision-making, including those that impinge on sexual and reproductive health (Ampofo, 2001).
Sometimes the socialization process may lead to double standards in sexual relations and consequently in different attitudes and behaviours with regard to sexual matters (Isugo-Abanihe, 2003). This is most clearly captured by Silberschmidt (2005: 243) who notes that while “sexual potency gives social potency, value and self-esteem to men, sexual modesty gives social value to women – but certainly not to men”, and “in particular in relation to sexuality, what gives social value to a man does not give social value to a woman”. For example, in their qualitative study among Xhosa youth in a South African township, Wood and Jewkes (2001) found that a
‘successful’ man was defined in terms of their number of sexual partners, the choice of a main partner, and how desirable his partner was to other man, and above all, his capability to ‘control’
his girlfriends (Wood and Jewkes, 2001).
In South Africa, Varga (2003) describes how gender ideals are grounded in traits that reinforce poor sexual negotiation dynamics and behavioural double standards that place adolescents at risk of early pregnancy and other sexual and reproductive health complications (Varga, 2003: 168).
Yet, Varga (2003) notes that although both men and women face complex and conflicting pressures concerning fidelity, not only were men extolled and women condemned for having multiples partners, but for girls such behaviour carried with it the potentially added liability of paternity rejection, with serious social and financial repercussions for the pregnant adolescent.
Such sexual dynamics reinforce unequal gender relations and can lead to early pregnancy and poor sexual and reproductive health outcomes (Varga, 2003; Blanc, 2001).
In a qualitative study in South Africa, Shefer and Ruiters (1998) note how participants strongly subscribed to the notion that men needed sex; were focused on sex; were ‘ever ready’ to have it and that it was ultimately a biological urge outside their control. In addition, the authors also observed that while men clearly constructed their sexuality as emerging out of physical need, they also spoke of the significance it played in their self-perceived image as men. In contrast, women were viewed as less sexual, or they should not appear as sexual as men, which consequently led to the imperative for women to be passive and receptive in sexual relationships with men. In situations where women were perceived as taking the lead, this behaviour was perceived as undermining masculinity (Shefer and Ruiters, 1998).
In a qualitative study in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, Scorgie et al. (2009) found that both men and women revealed intricate expectations about the nature and quality of sexual intercourse and concluded that it was those expectations that largely motivated women’s vaginal practices.
Women’s vaginal practices refer to “a wide variety of products to alter the appearance, shape and appeal of their genitals” (Scorgie et al., 2009: 268). Thus, vaginal practices cover also what is known as traditional love potions including those aimed at tightening the vagina and or at diminishing wetness, a practice known in the literature as ‘dry sex’ (Scorgie et al., 2009; Bagnol and Mariano, 2008). According to the authors, some men in focus groups discussions repeated that they have a more-or-less constant need for sex and that women were expected to respond to this need, no matter how frequently it arose. The authors quote one urban male focus group participant who said: ‘whenever the penis stands up then she must lie down’. In the same line, one rural male focus group participant “maintained that he wanted a different woman for every night of the week”. The authors concluded that all this seemed to give expression to the social norms of multiple sexual partnerships as a defining feature of masculinity (Scorgie et al., 2009:
274).
In a qualitative study in Zimbabwe, Pearson and Makadzange (2008) found that a complex and dynamic socio-cultural context around sexualities, masculinities and reproductive health affect men’s health-seeking behaviour. The authors observe that traditional Shona culture promotes the role of men as confidants and advisors. In this regard, ideologies of masculinity are cited as restricting honest discussions of sexual health. For example, men were under pressure to maintain an image of virility (e.g. without any type of sexual dysfunction) and ensure that their female partner remained faithful to them. Therefore, any discussion indicating weakness or failure was avoided because this is not seen as a masculine characteristic. Another worry among respondents was that some unscrupulous men would exploit a man’s ‘weaknesses’ by luring or seducing his heterosexual partner. On the other hand, some respondents expressed discomfort regarding receiving treatment from female health providers. The authors observe that Zimbabwean men are used to having more power in social interactions and expect respect and deference from women.
For example, for some health services such as a STI diagnosis, a woman may examine a man’s genitals, ask him sensitive and intrusive questions and chastise him about his behaviour. Some respondents perceived this as an ‘affront’ to the masculinity. They equated genital examination by a female nurse to castration (Pearson and Makadzange, 2008)
Sexual double standards that exist in heterosexual relationships were highlighted in a qualitative study by Mankayi (2008) among a group of South African soldiers. The study found that all young adult male officers expected women to express their sexuality in monogamous relationships while men are encouraged to have multiple sexual partners. Importantly, married men were also expected to be morally upright and, while it was not uncommon for them ‘because they are men’ to experience sexual desires for other women, they were not encouraged to act on those instincts (Mankayi, 2008: 629). In this regard, the author concludes that the stigma associated with ‘having known-about sexual relationships’ was acute for women, but did not equally apply to man. From participants’ point of view, multiple partners were seen as a demonstration by men of their ‘manhood’. According to Mankayi (2008), the best thing for men was to have sex, a great deal of it and with as many women, if possible.
In some parts of Africa, young men participate in initiation practices, or rites of passage, as part of the process of socialization (Mgqolozana, 2009). A review of studies of young men notes that in parts of Eastern Uganda as part of the rite of passage young men undergo circumcision and are required to spend a certain period of time in seclusion, healing from the process (Barker and Ricardo, 2005). After the month-long healing process is completed, the young man is encouraged to engage in sexual relations with any village woman of his choice (provided it is not the woman he intends to marry). Through this ritualised sex, the young man is said to rid himself of “evil and boyish spirits.” He is also urged to have “live sex,” which refers to unprotected sex. Barker and Ricardo (2005) report stories and experiences of young men who had undergone circumcision without anaesthesia and sometimes even pour salt and/or pepper to their wounds. The rites of passage involving ‘circumcision without anaesthesia’, or the act of ‘pouring salt and/or pepper on the wound’ and/or having “live sex” are meant to socialize the boys to feel courageous and fearless. Morrell and Swart (2004: 106) observe in Uganda that “through circumcision, all men become heroes. They are heroes because they have suffered the ordeal with dignity.” In addition, Morrell and Swart (2004) observe that in Uganda after circumcision men are expected to marry and establish their household and take responsibility for dependents.