I propose the concept of borderland gender and sexualities as a second analytical framework to analyse the role of Zambian culture in the construction of participants‘ identities and
sexualities. Zambian culture in this study is understood as both precolonial and post the introduction of Christianity to Zambia. Proffering of the concept of borderland gender and sexualities was necessitated by my research findings which presented ambiguities. These include the following: first, some participants regard themselves as women and take on feminine roles in their relationships and communal life, whilst others view themselves as females in their relationships but not as women. Second, their families intuitively know or
‗suspect‘ they are gay but choose not to speak about their identities and sexualities nor do they want their neighbours and communities knowing about their sons‘ identities and sexualities. Third, some participants cohabit with their sexual partners under the guise of platonic friendship in the communal gaze, whilst their families know that they are in sexual relationships with their "male friends" and do not seem to mind. Fourth, two communal expressions are evident in which some communities know about the identities of some of the participants and embrace them, while other communities are less tolerant of gay identities and sexualities. Last is the construction of participants‘ identities and sexualities in both predominant masculine spaces – male initiation rites of passage – and predominant feminine spaces – kitchen parties or initiation ceremonies immediately before marriage.
I found such ambiguities informative on three accounts: first, they demonstrated that some gay identities and sexualities are outside as well as between the male and female binary dominant in heteronormative Zambia and western worldviews. Second, they highlighted that gay identities and sexualities are known within given communities but there is no homogenous response to them. Third, they portrayed how the participants‘ identities and sexualities are both non-fixed and partially fixed identities and sexualities, therefore lying in between borders of general understandings of masculinities and femininities. Hence, borderland gender and sexualities has been used to critically explore the ambiguities that belie how participants ―self-construct‖ their identities and themselves as sexual beings and the role of Zambian culture in this process.
The use of the concept of borderland gender and sexualities was further necessitated by analytical lenses that have been used in studying African masculinities. The construction of African masculinities has been analysed using Africa‘s colonial past, patriarchal cultures and religious knowledge systems by Ouzgane and Morrell (2005). Masculinities on the African continent have also been investigated using social construction of actors and the relational nature of masculinity by Lindsay and Miescher (2003). While Barker and Ricardo (2005) use
the general masculinity lens, Ratele (2008) frames his studies within social-psychology and Punt (2007) applies queer theory. The lenses used by the outlined scholars in the analysis of African masculinities are vital since they not only acknowledge Africa's historical past as an integral component in the construction of African masculinities, but also the necessity to destabilize African gender and sexualities. However, these frameworks are inadequate in analysing how gay Christians ―self-construct‖ their identities and themselves as sexual beings and the role of religions and cultures in this process. First, they tend to present African masculinities in heteronormative terms to the negation of African gay men. Whether heterosexual or not, men do not experience their identities in one homogenous manner or as one homogenous entity. In other words, heterosexual men‘s experiences may not be the same as those of gay men. Neither do all gay men hold similar experiences in relation to their identities and sexualities. Gay men in Africa can also be categorized according to race, ethnicity, class, age and religious affiliation among other categorizations, thus, understanding them as one entity is antithetical.
Second, the lenses that have mainly been used in analysing African masculinities have not focused so much on the influence of African cultures – both pre-colonial and post the introduction of Christianity – in the construction of gay men's identities and sexualities.
Where African cultures have been co-opted into studies of African masculinities, it has been in the negative light of patriarchy and its subjugation of women. This perspective usually depicts all African men as proponents and benefactors of patriarchy, even within cultures which function in matricentric worldviews. The frameworks used neglect to show that within the much emphasised patriarchy, some African men, namely, gay men, suffer the brunt of discrimination for not being the ideal men - discrimination from the indigenous cultural perspectives in which the ideal man would be one with many children, cattle and sometimes many wives. Gay Christians sometimes forge their identities outside and between the masculine and feminine binary. My interest is how study participants formulate their identities and themselves as sexual beings and the role of Zambian culture – both precolonial and post the introduction of Christianity – plays in this process led me to read works on feminist cultural hermeneutics since it too has engaged with African cultures in relation to women and gender issues.