1
The Social-Economy Impacts Of Women Migrant Workers On Their Families and Communities
(A Case Study in Waru Doyong)1
Arianti Ina R. Hunga 2
Poverty, unemployment and a lack of education are some of the driving forces behind the increasing numbers of Indonesian women who seek to migrate abroad. The migration of women migrant workers influences the condition of their family because they must leave their traditional gender role and position in their household. Leading to many social problems. This research aims to describe deeply two points, i.e. 1) the changing position and role of women migrant workers in their household and outside household; 2) the impact of that change on the life quality of women migrant workers and their families. This research was carried out in Waru Doyong village, which for several years has been sending many women migrant workers abroad. This study, employs case study methods with a gender perspective. The early results show that poverty forced many women in Waru Doyong, who have limited education and skills, to migrate to work in the Middle East and other Asian countries. They leave their traditional gender role in their household and shift their domestic work to other female family members such as their mother or mother in law. However, this change of gender role does not lead to gender equality but rather exploitation and, cannot improve the quality of their life and their families. They still are trapped in the circle of poverty.
Keywords: women migrant workers, gender roles, discrimination, abuse, exploitation
1. Background
The Central Bureau of Statistics (August 2006) shows the poverty rate in Indonesia is still quite large, namely around 40 million (17.7% of the 226 million population, or a 2.5% increase compared to 2005). According to the United Nations indicators, the number of people living in poverty in Indonesia is high. There are as many as 110 million people (53% of the population) whose the income is below U.S. $2 per day and 16 million (7.5%) living below U.S. $ 1 per day. Around 25% of infants aged five (one of the four infants) suffer from malnutrition. Maternal mortality remains much higher than countries in the same area, including three times greater than Vietnam and six times greater than China and Malaysia (www.adb.or.id; IDEA, 2005).
Currently, Indonesian migrant workers are scattered in 20 countries across Asia, the Middle East, the U.S., and Europe. The number of migrant workers is largest in ASEAN ( particularly Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei), the Middle East ( including Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Jordan) and East Asia (including Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan) (TEMPO Interactive, 2005).
1 This paper is result of research supported by the Directotare of Higher Eduation – Ministry of National Education 2
2 A primary problem is that the skill level of Indonesian migrant workers is still low, as shown by the fact that 70% of migrant workers are still engaged in unskilled-work. Besides the low level of knowledge and skills of migrant workers, Indonesian migrant workers also suffer from a lack of knowledge of the language, culture, and customs of the destination countries. As a result, Indonesian migrant workers cannot compete with migrant workers from other countries like the Philippines, Sri Langka, and Bangladesh. Only about 30% of Indonesian migrant workers are considered skilled and they work in service jobs such as factory machinery, nurses, and others. The limited capacity of Indonesian migrant workers results in a low bargaining position throughout the migration process and leaves them vulnerable to violence and exploitation (http://bappenas.go.id/; www.menakertrans.or.id).
The fine line between trafficking and migration further complicates the situation of Indonesian migrant workers. More than 40,000 Indonesian migrant women in the Middle East do not have documents (The Minister of Manpower and Transmigration, 2009). Statistics from the Middle East reveal that 118 Indonesian women migrant workers in Saudi Arabia are detained in prison because of prostitution. In fact, Indonesian women migrant workers involved in the practice of prostitution in Saudi Arabia are the victims of women trafficking syndicates. This phenomenon progressively strengthens the argument that Indonesia and Saudi Arabia are the countries that have problems with women and children trafficking, but these countries do not have policies to address this problem. Data issued by the workers advocacy organization KOPBUMI (Konsorsium Pembela Buruh Migran) in 2005 further reveals least 19 recorded cases of death or torture, along with 101 cases of rape, 117 cases of lost contact, and 4,100 other cases, including deportation, trafficking, unpaid salaries , and the long working hours ( TEMPO Interactive, 2005).
Since 1990, Waru Doyong village physically began to change because of permanent houses considered relatively luxurious for this village. Most of these houses were owned by women migrant workers (named TKW-Tenaga Kerja Wanita). The physical changes that can be seen have encouraged residents, especially young women and children to become migrant workers as they have been tempted by promises of big salaries. Unsurprisingly, this village and its surroundings is one of the Migrant Workers (named TKW and TKI) „pouch‟ that sends many migrant workers from Central Java. An estimated 85% of the total existing households in the village have source income from migrant workers who work as domestic helpers abroad, especially Saudi Arabia and Malaysia.
3 2007. One family member who became migrant workers reason of death was unclear in Saudi Arabia. Corpse preparation for repatriated has difficulties and takes about 5 months for the bodies arrived to the family. However, this does not make the prospective TKW / TKI giving up to use illegal path.
Most of the migrant women workers from Waru Doyong have low education levels (primary and junior secondary) and lack skills. They are willing to pay more than Rp 10 million rupiah to be TKW / TKI, which they obtain by selling their land or borrowing. Also, many people (TKW/TKI) are deceived by person who is 'masked' as a good recruitment agency in the whole process for being a TKW/TKI, like before take off, in transit, at the time of placement, as well as at back home. Cases of violence also frequently become part of the story of TKW/TKI. However, such cases do not make them give up their plans to be TKW/TKI. There are TKW/TKI who have been migrant workers for more than 15 years, coming and going to Saudi Arabia four separate times (Hunga and Levi, 2007; Hunga, 2009). Usually, TKW have three year contracts , which means that the new migrant workers could return home and meet with their family for some time after 3 years of work. Then they return again to work with new contracts. After returning, most of them work with a different employer.
The absence of womnen from their homes that results from their decision to become TKW has consequences for their families and communities. Their absence affects the gender dynamics of families because women‟s traditional roles are replaced by others. It is interesting to consider whether the person replacing women in the family is a husband or other women in the family such as in-laws or sisters? Do the changes occur in the context of gender equality and gender justice or vice versa?
As described above, a TKW gives a clear contribution to the family, such as luxurious permanent housing, money sent to the family, and possible increased socio-economic status. However, these conditions stand in contrast to the conditions of their family‟s quality of life. Some migrant workers have dropped out of school for various reasons, including for boys, free sex among teenagers, and pregnancy at a relatively young age. The husbands are unemployed and spend the money send by their wives on "entertainment" to satisfy personal needs (sex, gambling, etc.). There are also affairs, pregnancy (the result of relationship without marriage) and divorce cases. In-laws / parents usually take over the domestic affairs of migrant workers during their work (Hartiningsih, 2002; Hunga, 2007) ..
4 2. The changing of position and role of women migrant workers in their household and
outside the household
Women migrant workers are working-class women who perform activities outside the house or outside Indonesia for a relatively long time. In a social context, the role of these women has broad consequences for the family and society related to her gender role as a woman, a mother in the family, and community member. This section will present how to change the position and role of the profession of TKW.
Female Migrant Workers Discourse are identical with Mbabu / Batur-low social class
TKW is not merely the term that describes one type of work / profession but reflects a discourse with many meanings. As Foucault (1980) describes, discourse is not only meaning but also includes power and control. In this context, the term TKW not only distinguishes women from the general Indonesian workforce (named TKI), which is generally identified with males. Moreover, TKW usually implies that women are working overseas as domestic helpers (PRT) in foreign countries for a relatively long time. At the same time, the term reflects feminine stereotypes and domestic symbols, including that workers do not need education and skill, earn low wages, and are considered to be of low social class in communities both in places of origin and at destination3.
In legislation and decisions concerning Indonesian migrant workers, the word “woman” does not appear-only Indonesian workforce. The term that appears in this community then places female migrant workers in disadvantaged positions verbally. Their existence is recognized only through the words in the community and not in the legislation. Although the meaning of Indonesian labor legislation covers all workers, both men and women, the discourse that appears through the designation of women workers shows a difference treatment at the level of practice in the community.
The term female migrant workers (named BMP), is widely used by the combatants of the women migrant workers‟ rights movement in an effort to build a 'new' discourse giving a better appreciation to the female migrant workers. Particularly, Human Rights Watch uses the term migrant domestic workers to specifically refer to the women migrant workers who work as Household Helpers (named PRT). This reflects an effort to pay attention to the fact that this profession is a relatively complex issue and includes many "hidden" things from the public.
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5 In Indonesia, domestic worker is an inevitable job because its position is considered low (social construction) socially and economically. But this changes or is reconstructed when the same work is done in distant locations / foreign countries with a relatively high salary. By TKW, this profession is accepted because there is no other choice. But they look for another meaning of this profession as a form of balancing from the side of a relatively high income and the purpose of fulfilling the needs of families. They use the term Mbabu4 term to show that there is no respect for their profession apart from earning money. Money is the only reward that makes them stick with the job. This was revealed in an interview with Ratna and Zainab (not real names):
"I never say, do not ever / 'jo ngasi" become maids / helpers / mbabu. But now, my thoughts change because the needs of families. All noticed that there is no fun point being "mbabu", but good salary to meet the needs of families).
Meanwhile, other terms often used by people to refer to migrant workers are to fly / mabur and go / kesah. The term go / "kesah" shows that they go a distance from home to work and the term fly / "mabur" shows them out / go using the airplane. The second term is the pronoun term for TKW. As revealed in interview with Sutini:
"Here the women, if they do not have any money, they kesah or go, if the money runs out, they returned mabur /to fly again, and so on)
The above shows that the migrant workers discourse attributes them as low social class citizens. Taking a job as a domestic worker is a form of powerlessness in the family system which puts her as someone who must sacrifice for the family sustainability, especially for children.
Women Disposition to Sign in the shackles of TKW
Traditional roles within the family are female (wife) taking care of the household and male (husband) working outside the home as a breadwinner. However, worsening economic conditions have encouraged a shift in traditional roles in society, including people in the Waru Doyong village. This role distribution cannot be maintained anymore because the men are not able to obtain sufficient incomes. Arable lands in this village are very limited. Average land ownership is 0.25 ha. Job opportunities are limited for women in the village. Farming is a job that has masculine stereotypes (male dominated). In the chain of agricultural work, female farm workers are considered to have a side job only to help her husband that does not require skills, so it is considered reasonable if it is low paid.
Unemployed husbands became a common sight in the last 10 years in Waru Doyong village. This is a problem in the family, especially for the wife because she was the one who has to provide food and drinks daily for family members. This issue has sparked an argument or even domestic violence from husband to wife. Zainab (20 years) became a migrant worker when her
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6 child was only 2.5 years old. While her husbands was unemployed since his son was a baby , he did not make a serious effort to find a job. The same case was experienced by a large number of migrant worker. They are forced to sacrifice and decide to change the family's economic status. Being a TKW means a woman must leave her family, especially if her children were small, and leave the role of gender in her household. Frequently, women become migrant workers because of the consumptive demands from her family members, such as to have a motorcycle, have a nice house, and other consumer goods for family status. Unconsciously, TKW become the object / commodity from her family to escape from poverty. TKW in the family is treated as a money search engine without appreciation from her husband and other family members.
For people in Waru Doyong, TKW will be considered successful if they can go many times to be migrant workers, can buy land, renovate her house , and buy motorcycles and expensive electronic goods. Material success indicators indirectly encourage housewives to change the family's economic condition. They are motivated to become migrant workers as well. This is seen from the case of Zenab, a housewife with children 2.5 years old. She is ready to take risks leaving the child and her husband for the sake of dreams to change her life, as revealed from interviews with her the day before her departure to the training agencies (named PJTKI) in Jakarta:
"I also want to be like other mothers. Once my aunt also had a couple of times being migrant workers in Arab. From her job she can get money to repair home and buy daily needs. Well, I think TKW was the only chance for me. For women who have not high education, already married and have kids like me it's hard to find work here. While my son was little, I want to work as TKW first, collect money for school fees later. Moreover I also want to have my own house like everyone else. I know the risks, many migrant workers here whose husband cheating and eventually divorce. I do not mind my husband married another woman. If I had money, I could find another husband."
Most of the TKW from Waru Doyong who have only primary school education and junior high school education are directed to become a housemaid with the destination country of Saudi Arabia, because of the easy requirements- one need only a elementary - junior high graduation and placement is free of charge . Information from Mr. Sutejo (not real name), a former worker in Suadi Arabia who is a TKW "broker" or PJKTI freelance", said that the cost of departure to Suadi Arabia is free, because it was borne by Arab governments as revealed in this interview:
"TKI to Arabia (the cost) is now free; it is borne by Arab government. This is a trick of PJKTI to attract prospective workers because of many workers demand from Arab but now it is not interesting for them because its small salary, not increasing from time to time. They prefer going to Asian countries like Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Korea for better working conditions. "
7 employers and employer's son. Frequently, maids come home with a child as result of forbidden sexual relations with employers. Unlike women, men get wider opportunities to access strategic types of jobs in the formal sector, whose wages are higher and hold better conditions than those in the informal sector, although they must provide the cost of 40-50 million rupiah, if they want to be a TKI.
For TKW, there is no improvement in their employment status, and even decline in status. Before becoming TKW, they were a housewife who served domestic work such as caring household job (cooking, washing, cleaning, child care, etc..) in their own homes. When they become maids, they can only access informal sector job, become a housemaid as they did in their own house. After departure, they will be back in charge of domestic chores in their household but with its income, they considered that it is worth with their job as a migrant worker.
From this picture, woman cannot gain access and even tend to be eliminated in the villages within and outside. The type of work has been already segmented by gender. The kind of work done by women is considered their domain and is valued lower. According to Scott (1986), women experienced marginalization in the work environment because they are marginalized, conditioned as unable to reach productive resources , and conditioned to receive lower treatment and appreciation than men. The root of this difference is the value or gender "ideological" used in regulating and controlling the work segmentation and legitimizes a low appreciation of women (Hartman, 1976).
TKW "are blamed” for the Failure Education Family
The absence of TKW affects the gender-based family dynamics. As wives, community members, and maids, women (as well as men) are influenced and constrained by the gender roles constructed by society. Gender as a social category encompasses the characteristics, functions and responsibilities expected by society. Gender as an "ideology" that is "all the rules, values, beliefs, stereotypes imposed, regulate and control the relationship between men and women in society." The role and value ("ideology") given to the female gender is as a mother who has domestic responsibilities (cooking, washing, protecting and educate her child), is a partner of her husband, second breadwinner, has feminine traits (patient , sensitive, passive). Meanwhile, men have roles as husband, the head of family, the main breadwinner and having masculine characteristics (tough, rational, assertive, leader, etc.). Gender roles are accepted, learned, and performed by women and men since childhood and occur throughout their lifetime (Schelegel, 1997). The question arises: “Why should women take the role as breadwinner and work far away from their families and what are the results of their absence in the family?”
8 encountered, including those described above, indicate that TKW are not only commodities for the country but also the family. In the family, women have been treated as a money search engine without appreciation from her husband. Changes in household roles gender due to migration are not shifted towards equality but toward exploitation. Husbands who have been left did not fully perform their functions in maintaining the child and family. Every thing related with their children (take care) are given to their mother or mother in-laws. There are many cases of infidelity, such as having children with other women, and divorce. These issues become part of the TKW problem. In many cases, money from the wife (TKI) is spent by her husband to meet his desire for fun (including sexual needs because they are left by their wife) (Hunga and Levi, 2008; Hunga, 2009).
The absence of TKW from her house results in broad consequences in the family and outside the family. All the activities and roles given to her community (gender roles) must be replaced / charged to others, especially husbands. TKW take the role as main breadwinner, but husbands did not replace the role as domestic chores and supervise children and social activities in the community. Domestic work is done by women family members, such as, mother-in-law, female parents, siblings (brother / sister), and the older daughters. The husbands did not want to do domestic work because they felt it was not men's work. At the same time, the husband did not earn a living and remain unemployed. The husbands of TKW use remittances to private needs, such as drinking, sexual needs in prostitution or adultery. TKW husbands who give support to their wives can be seen still trying to fulfill their gender role as breadwinner while wives manage the money sent to build houses, children's education expenses, and savings.
Many children of TKW drop out of school. Even if they study, they may make it only to the junior or senior high school level. Many boys who were left by their mothers became migrant workers themselves. After dropping out of school, because they did not have positive activities, instead they would hang out on the roadside, disrupting the passing girls, and racing with motorcycles purchased from their TKW mothers . Many of the girls who were left by their mothers became pregnant before marriage at a young age and eventually dropped out of school.
TKW, in their work as domestic servants, are also vulnerable to sexual harassment by their employer, employer's son or male migrant workers. TKW who return to Indonesia pregnant by their employers can be scorned by their communities, as evidenced by the case of a TKW who returned pregnant to Waru Doyong from Suadi Arabia.
9 children when they are toddlers, have no time to build close relationships with children, and even face the possibility of becoming unknown to or forgotten by her children.
Unfortunately, all the family failures that occur after a TKW leaves, including kids who drop out of school, cheating husbands, free sex and pregnancy, are all blamed on migrant workers for leaving the family to go work somewhere far away. All the hard work and income contributed by migrant workers (remittances) to families remains unappreciated by the family and society.
3. The impact of changes on the quality of life of women migrant workers and their families.
Limitations of education in most of the TKW determine lack their ability to take a positif experiences, build the mindset, and establish a positive attitude to build the capacity itself as migrant workers. Ratna, an ex-TKW from Saudi Arabia showed changes in her way of thinking about the importance of education to improve the quality of life. She wants her two children to have higher education so that their future life is better than their parents. She supported her daughter‟s goal of achieving higher education. To support the goals of her son, Ratna educated her children in a good quality junior high. She hoped with a good education, later her children could get good jobs and prosperity. The mindset of mother Rachel is one of the few TKW who experienced an improvement mindset. In contrast, most of the TKW are still fixed in the old mindset of simply collecting money and remaining trapped with children who dropped out of school. In addition, ex-TKW seemed more confident about expressing their opinions in a forum. They (Nur, Ratna, and Sari) seemed actively engaged in informal organization in the village and active in regular meetings of this organization. From their physical appearance, former maids / TKW look different from other mothers who have never become a TKW. This can be seen in several meetings in a local informal organization (named PKK). The style and appearance of the former maids seemed more prestigious because of their fashionable clothes and makeup.
10 workers creates a double burden for other family members, namely mother-in-law, parent, sister or daughter. Solidarity among women is an expression of sharing the "burden" and represents a form of women‟s helplessness in the family and patriarchal system.
Being a migrant worker is expected to improve the quality of migrant workers‟ lives and their families. Being a migrant worker is expected to improve the quality of migrant workers‟ lives and their families but in fact the opposite. It is not an way to improve the quality of their life. They have not used the remittances productively, such as to start or expand businesses . Most of the remittances are used to pay debts, to meet the needs of daily life, build a house, buy furniture, give money to relatives, buy motorcycles and electronic goods. In the last 10 years, only one ex- migrant worker from Waru Doyong has managed the income for productive enterprise in the form of a company that rents equipment for parties.
After returning from abroad, migrant workers become the unemployed and go back to work as farm laborers, basket weavers, salted fish producers, or work in a chicken farm. They have no permanent job and cannot create jobs. This is because they still do not have productive skills. If their money (deposito) has run out while they require a lot of money, they will go back and back again to work as migrant workers. Their think that they still have chance to work as a TKW before their age 50 years.
Regarding education, the families of TKW often did not allocate the cost for children‟s higher education, so most children of migrant workers also do not continue their education at university. They only attend school until junior and senior high school. TKW‟s children have a low interest in school, especially young boys. This creates school drop outs and unemployment for young boys. Allegedly, this case can not be separated from family learning. For boys, because they see their father as unemployed, they just wait and spend the remittances from their wife (TKW). While for girls, they become oriented toward becoming a TKW in the future.
Regarding health , the results show that some of the children under five who were left by their mothers do not grow and develop optimally. This is because the welfare of the children handed over to their parents or in-laws that were already old and the limitations of their knowledge about food and health nutrition food for children under five, as seen from the four cases of malnourished children under five in this village.
Conclusion
11 reproductive roles (including childcare and household work) after their wives become TKW. The roles of wives (TKW) are likely to be taken over by the women around him, like a brother / sister, parents (mother / mother-in-law), and another sister.
The marginalization of migrant workers occurs in the household (family), in the long process of becoming TKW, workplace, and after returning from above in the community. Forms of marginalization are found such as exclusion, marginalization, masculinization versus feminization, & discrimination (inequality) in quality and quantity. Other forms of gender inequity are encountered such as stereotypes, subordination, violence, and the double burden. The marginalization of migrant workers in the family and the society have an impact on shifting gender roles yet the economic impact is only on material life and does not improve the quality of personal and family life. Other forms of marginalization can be traced to the family and community and is apparent from the "price" that must be paid- becomming a migrant worker, usually not by her own "choice".
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