Bhagat Singh in Gujarati Literature
(Published in Bhagat Singh and His Legend, edited by J. S. Grewal, Patiala; World Punjabi Centre, 2008)
Raj Kumar Hans rajkhans@yahoo.com
In the face of the emergence of Mahatma Gandhi as a national icon in the 1920s, it is not difficult
to image him as an overarching, sweeping prophetic personality in his own land of Gujarat. That his words would carry the weight of a guru’s teachings, an apostle’s messages and a saint’s blessings is hardly contested. Yet there was a contrary, though complementary if not
countervailing, political current flowing in Gujarat only waiting the opportune moments to get
adequately manifest. The martyrdom of Bhagat Singh and his comrades created ripples in
Gujarat. There was not only a shock but also a popular wave of anger against the rulers. The
ashes of the martyrs brought from Karachi were first carried to Dakor and then to Dwarka, the
two high seats of Krishna cult, where hundreds of hundreds of people are reported to have gone berserk to touch the martyrs’ remains forgetting for the time being to pay obeisance to their favourite god.
Besides instant poems composed, the moods also produced three biographies of Bhagat Singh in
Guajarati published in 1931. Thereafter there was a steady increase in the number of socialists,
both within and without the Congress in Gujarat, some of them also turning atheists. Over the
last 75 years, a good deal of literary works on Bhagat Singh has appeared in Gujarati language.
The way a few booklets for children have continuously been published shows the Gujarati
sensibility for Bhagat Singh. The paper tries to capture that fancy and imagination especially
among youth through literary texts.
I
It would not be odd to look at Gandhi’s own anticipated attitude towards Bhagat Singh and other revolutionaries to situate Bhagat Singh’s appreciation in broader Gujarati cultural circles. No one can disagree that non-violence for Gandhi was his creed and he could have uncompromising
position on this. But yet when the revolutionaries were making waves in the national imagination
in the late 1920s and early 1930s, Gandhi could not have been left untouched. He was to develop
an ambiguous attitude. Under strong public pressure when Gandhi wrote on the fateful day of
made it clear that “Popular opinion rightly or wrongly demands commutation” of the death sentence of the three revolutionaries. He wanted peace when political atmosphere was already
charged with the revolutionary fervor and with the execution was surely to lead to disturbances.
Although as a student of law and strict adherent of law he stated his mind clearly that “execution is an irretrievable act” but yet urged the Viceroy: “If you think there is the slightest chance of error of judgement, I would urge you to suspend for further review an act that is beyond recall.”1
On the eve of execution of Bhagat Singh and his two comrades, Gandhi was very cautious of his words and statements. He said: “Bhagat Singh and his companions have been executed and have become martyrs. Their death seems to have been a personal loss to many. I join in the tributes
paid to the memory of these young men. And yet I must warn the Youth of the country against following their example.” Anticipating widespread disturbances over the issue he continued: “We must not put ourselves in the wrong by getting angry. We must realize that commutation of the sentences was not part of the truce.”2
On his reaching Karachi for the Congress, he was
greeted at the Malir station on 25th March with angry protests by young members of the
Naujawan Bharat Sabha. In a press statement he made it very clear why violent means to achieve
independence were so unjustifiable for a country like India:
Whatever may be true of other countries, in this country which is teeming with famished millions the cult of violence can have no meaning. In this country of self-suppression and timidity almost bordering on cowardice we cannot have too much bravery, too much self-sacrifice. One’s head bends before Bhagat Singh’s bravery and self-sacrifice. But I want greater bravery, if I might say so without offending my young friends, of the meek, the gentle and the non-violent, the bravery that will mount the gallows without injuring, or harbouring any thought of injury to a single soul.3
In his speech to the Karachi Congress he spoke at length on the executions and resultant anger
and violence as he also tried to clear an air of suspicion among some of the Congressmen that he
did not want to save Bhagat Singh:
1
# 338, Letter to Viceroy, March 23 1931, Collected Works of Mahatama Gandhi (CWMG), Vol. 51, pp. 291-92. Even earlier on 18th February 1931 when Gandhi had a meeting with the Viceroy, the former had pointed out to the latter about Bhagat Singh that “He is undoubtedly a brave man but I would certainly say that he is not in his right mind. However, this is the evil of capital punishment, that it gives no opportunity to such a man to reform himself. I am putting this matter before you as a humanitarian issue and desire suspension of sentence in order that there may not be unnecessary turmoil in the country.” But in the same meeting he had left it enough room and clear option for the government to go ahead what it wanted to do. He continued: “I myself would release him, but I cannot expect any Government to do so. I would not take it ill even if you do not give any reply on this issue.” # 268, Interview with Viceroy (Gandhiji’s Report), Feb 18, 1931, Collected Works of Mahatama Gandhi (CWMG), Vol. 45, p. 200
2 #341 “Statement on Execution of Bhagat Singh and his Comrades”, New Delhi, March 23, 1931, Collected Works
of Mahatama Gandhi, Vol. 51, pp. 292-93
3#346 “Interview to the Press, Karachi”, March 26, 1931, Collected Works of Mahatama Gandhi,
You must know that it is against my creed to punish even a murderer, a thief or a dacoit. There can be therefore no excuse for suspicion that I did not want to save Bhagat Singh and his comrades, I should have told them that the way they pursued was wrong and futile. I declare that we cannot win swaraj for our famishing millions, for our deaf and dumb, for our lame and crippled, by way of the sword.4
The subtlety of Gandhi’s mind comes also to fore in an article in Gujarati that appeared in 29 March 1931 number of ‘Navjivan’:
Brave Bhagat Singh and his two associates have been hanged. Many attempts were made to save their lives and even some hopes were entertained, but all was in vain. Bhagat Singh did not wish to live. He refused to apologize; declined to file an appeal… Bhagat Singh was not a devotee of non-violence, but he did not subscribe to the religion of violence; he was prepared to commit murder out of sense of helplessness. His last letter was as follows: “I have been arrested while waging a war. For me there can be no gallows. Put me into the mouth of a canon and blow me off.” These heroes had conquered the fear of death. Let us bow to them a thousand times for their heroism. But we should not imitate their act. I am not prepared to believe that the country has benefitted by their action. I can see only the harm that has been done.5
And ‘harm’ he did see with the growing Bhagat Singh cult among the youth of the country. There was an attempted assassination of Sir Ernest Hotson, the Acting Governor of Bombay
Presidency, by a collegiate in Bombay in July 1931. Gandhi was quite pained at the incidence.
He expressed his anguish:
The Bhagat Singh worship has done and is doing incalculable harm to the country. Bhagat Singh’s character about which I had heard so much from reliable sources, the intimate connection I had with attempts that were being made to secure commutation of the death sentence carried me away and identified me with cautious and balance resolution passed at Karachi. I regret to observe that the caution has been thrown to the winds. The deed itself is being worshipped as if it is worthy of emulation. The result is goondaism and degradation wherever this mad worship is being performed.
His anger did not spare even the Congressmen:
4 # 349 “Speech at Karachi Congress”, March 26, 1931, Collected Works of Mahatama Gandhi
, Vol. 51, pp. 305-06. The Congress passed a resolution on the revolutionaries drafted by Gandhi: “This Congress, while dissociating itself from and disapproving of political violence in any shape or form, places on record its admiration of the bravery and sacrifice of the late Sardar Bhagat Singh and his comrades Syts. Sukhdev and Rajguru, and mourns with the bereaved families the loss of these lives. The Congress is of opinion that this triple execution is an act of wanton vengeance and is a deliberate flouting of the unanimous demand of the nation for commutation. This Congress is further of opinion that Government have lost the golden opportunity of promoting goodwill between the two nations, admittedly held to be essential at this juncture, and of winning over to the method of peace the party which, being driven to despair, resorts to political violence.” # 359 “Resolution on Bhagat Singh and Comrades”, March 29, 1931, Collected Works of Mahatama Gandhi (CWMG), Vol. 51, p 318
5#355 “Bhagat Singh”, Collected Works of Mahatama Gandhi
The Congress is a power in the land, but I warn Congressmen that it will soon lose all its charm if they betray their trust and encourage the Bhagat Singh cult whether in thought, word or deed.6
What becomes clear from the above discussion is that Gandhi as a person of strong beliefs
emanating from the non-violent readings of Indian religious traditions could not accommodate
the violent expressions for achieving his political goals. Even when he admired Bhagat Singh and his comrades’ courage and sacrifice it was due to their unquestionable patriotism but at the same time it was also due to the fact that they had become part of the popular national sentiments
which a public figure like Gandhi could not ignore the popular waves. In a way he was caught up
in a contradiction though he tried to overcome the dilemma he regretted that he failed in that.
That is an honest admission.
II
Three biographies on Bhagat Singh got published in Gujarati in 1931. The first biography seems
to be one entitled Sardar Bhagat Sinhni Jeevan Katha, which had a ‘Preface’ by Bhagat Singh’s brother Kulbir Singh, was published by Bhadrakumar Yagnik in April 1931 which was
quickly seized and banned by the government.7 While Prahlad Damodardas Brahambhatt’s
Lahoreno Shahid Bhagat Singh is plain descriptive life-sketch of Bhagat Singh adulating his bravery and martyrdom for the motherland, Kapilprasad Mahasukhbhai Dave’s Sardar Bhagat Singh ane Lahornu Kavatru is a fascinating argumentative treatment of Bhagat Singh especially
in the light of the Lahore Conspiracy Case. There are several photographs produced, not only of Bhagat Singh but also of Sukhdev and Rajguru’s and their families. Dave poses a question if Bhagat Singh was a worshipper of violence and brings in Bhagat Singh’s writings to prove that he was not. One interesting event given in Dave’s biography is the response of Gujarati People when the ashes of the martyrs were brought from Karachi to Gujarat. He records large gatherings
of people from surrounding areas who had become crazy to see and touch the remains at the
6 #162 “Foul Play” in ‘Young India’ of 30 July 1931, Collected Works of Mahatama Gandhi
, Vol. 53, pp 152-53. A ‘Resolution’ proposed by Gandhi was passed at the Bombay AICC Meeting on August 6, 1931 condemning the attempted assassination of the Bombay Governor and other acts of violence. In his speech to the AICC, he regretted having had moved the Karachi Resolution. He said: “On former occasions when we condemned such actions we also praised the spirit of sacrifice among the young men. But we praised it so much that I think we reached the limit when we passed the resolution at Karachi about Bhagat Singh and his comrades. At that time I felt that for one whose sacrifice was so great and whose character was represented to me to have been spotless we should do all that we can to save him from gallows and even if we did not succeed in it we should pass a resolution we passed. I did so in belief that it would have sobering effect on the youths but I failed in that attempt. I am not unaware of the increased strength of the youths but it is being misused. I did not get the least success in that attempt. On the contrary it was exploited very badly and I am sorry for it.” #194 “Speech at A.I.C.C. Meeting, Bombay”, August 6, 1931, Collected Works of Mahatama Gandhi, Vol. 53, p 184
7
famous Krishna temples of Dakor and Dwarka.8 Besides these biographies on Bhagat Singh a
pamphlet entitled Veer Triputi yane Dehna Balidan (Heroic Trio or Sacrifice of the Body) was
written and published by Balkavi Narandas at Ahmedabad.9 Another book in Gujarati entitled
Krantikarkono Aprakashit Rajnaitik Itihas, dwiteya khand (The Unpublished political History
of the Revolutionaries) was printed and published by S N Joshi from Puna city.10 The martyrdom
seems to have generated great interest in the Punjabi traditions of valor and sacrifices. In 1931
itself, a book of about 300 pages entitled Shahidoni Shrushti written by Satyendraprasad
Sankleshvar Mehta came to be published at Ahmedabad. This book is focused on the Sikh
tradition of resistance and sacrifices. The second chapter is devoted to Guru Govind Singh while
the next is about Banda Bahadur’s fights and sacrifice.
The atmosphere was rife with revolutionary fervor and what Gandhi had apprehensions as
discussed above was becoming obvious in Gujarat itself which would have been more worrying
for him. In 1932 a book entitled Krantine Marge (On the Path of Revolution) by Prabhakar
Biharilal was published from Ahmedabad in 1932.11 Krantini Chingario (the Sparks of
Revolution) was published by Urmi Kar from Bombay in 1933.12
There seems to have been ebb to the early enthusiasm to publish works on Bhagat Singh and other revolutionaries in the wake of their execution. This is largely due to Government’s panicky vigil, proscription and seizure of the revolutionary literature. But the fact that a fairly respectable
number of books and pamphlets appeared in Gujarati language within three years of the
martyrdom of Bhagat Singh and his two comrades is an indicator enough that a parallel political
culture to the dominant Gandhian one was in the making. This had led to the formation of the
Congress Socialist party in 1934 within the larger Congress formation. Gujarat Congress
Socialist Group was formed on 17th March 1934 at Vadodara. Ishwarlal Desai and Kamlashankar
Pandya were selected as secretaries of the group. Other five members to the ‘Declaration’ included Rohit Mehta, Kakalbhai Kothari, Rangildas Kapadia, Jeevanlal Champaneria and Thakorprasad Pandya. Kamlashankar Pandya calls it the ‘first revolutionary explosion’ in
8
Kapilprasad Mahasukhbhai Dave, Sardar Bhagat Singh ane Lahorenu Kavatru, Ahmadabad 1931, p. 43
9 Banned vide Notification Samvat 1987 – 19th
August 1931 issued by Huzur Cutchery Vadodara G B Ambekar Dewan, Baroda, Ibid.
10
Banned vide Notification of 1931-32, Baroda, 3rd February 1932 issued by VT Krishnama Chari Dewan, Baroda, ibid.
11
Banned vide Notification # 1 of 1932-33, Baroda, 15th October 1932 issued by VT Krishnama Chari Dewan, Baroda, ibid.
12
political life of Gujarat. “The Congress leaders of Gujarat were furious over this.”13
The
formation attracted quite a few young members to the socialist ideology. Some of them had
become hardcore revolutionaries and even atheists. They also started looking at the question of ‘untouchability’ quite differently than the other Congressmen including Gandhi. Kamlashankar Pandya wrote to Gandhi on 14th January 1933:
Apart from my political convictions, I must tell you that I am an atheist. I am viewing your untouchability campaign with great interest. I do not, consistently with my atheistic philosophy, believe in Temple Entry. Instead I want to convert temples in schools, libraries, public halls, museums or theatres. I don’t want temples at all. What course would you advise me to adopt with this question of untouchability. I do want the untouchables to rise to the full heights a man is capable of rising. I don’t want to allow them to rot in the position in which Hinduism has degraded them at present. Taking this basis what course & method you would advise me to adopt….
In my humble opinion, instead of spending our energies for securing the opening of a temple here or there, or energies should be directed towards making the untouchables class conscious. Instead we are creating a wrong ideology in them. We must ask them to assert themselves.14
Some of the eminent socialists in Gujarat were Jeevanlal Champaneria, Chhotubhai Purani,
Jayanti Dalal, Ishwarbhai Desai, Ranchhodlal Lotwala, Yusuf Meharali, Bhogilal Gandhi, Neeru
Desai, Ratilal Talati, Narsinhbhai Ishwarbhai Patel, Gulabdas Broker. The Dahod Group
comprising of Kamlashankar Pandya, Ramanlal Sheth, Harilal Shah, Balkrishna Shah, Chhotalal
Desai, Mathurdas Desai happened to be more radical and they had created a powerful block at
Dahod which even Gandhi and Patel used to skip because of their radicalism.15 There were also
communists such as Narbheram Popat, Dinkar Mehta, C G Shah, Hariprasad Desai (Harry),
Ranchhod Patel and Royists such as Chandrakant Dhru, Suryakant Bhatt, Dhirubhai Desai,
Indraprasad Bhatt etc in Gujarat. They worked among industrial workers and formed trade
unions, they also worked among peasants and adivasis for the next two decades. Such could be
seen the impact of the martyrdom of Bhagat Singh and his comrades on the gallows. And some
of the Gujarati socialists were convinced that the Gandhi’s ways of social change were bound to
fail. Writing to his friend Jeevanlal Champaneria from the Nasik Central Jail on 8th August 1943, Kamlashankar Pandya reflects on his past 15 years’ work as socialist and contemplates that “I know history is to explode, a mighty upheaval is going to take place and people will be required to take sides.” In a prophetic mood, he continues:
13
Veran Jeevan: Swatantrya Sainik Kamlashankar Pandyani Aatmakatha, Vadodara: Shree Kamlashankar Pandya Sanman Samiti, 1973, p 68
14
Veran Jeevan, 1973, p. 376
15ibid
We will have to be at our post of duty and function from that centre [Marxist philosophy]. It is not Gandhism, because Gandhism is not the present truth nor the future truth. History is not with Gandhism and Gandhi is not with history. May be he is utilized by the Indian people for some time and he will be thrown out like a squeezed lemon. People and their movements have no sentiments, no pity for individuals or institutions or particular philosophies. Whosoever serves them at a particular time will be welcome, will be elevated to leadership.16
It is another thing that they came to be highly disappointed with the degradation setting in the
Congress after Independence and many of the socialists in Gujarat just turned apolitical.
If the writings on the revolutionaries had been suspended after mid-1930s, it did not mean
decrease in interest but only that imperial power would not allow any radical publication to stay
on the bookshelves. It was only after Independence that the writings on Bhagat Singh revived.
1951 saw the appearance of two books by Kantilal Shah, viz. Kakorina Desh Bhakto: Balidan
Kathaoand Shahid Gatha in 3 parts. The Gandhian Amrutlal Modi wrote Sardar Bhagatsinh in
1967 while Rasik Mehta had series of life histories of revolutionaries. His Tran Shahido: Bijo
Shahid Sardar Bhagat Singh appeared in 1971. Kamlashankar Pandya wrote an impressive
article “Amar Shahid Bhagat Singh” in Gujarat Samachar of 23rd March 1978 on the martyrs’
day. Shantibhai Jani, Dhiren Ala and Prakash Vagad together produced a book Amar Shahid
Bhagat Singh in 1984. The same year Premnath Mehta and Yashwant Mehta had their
Shahidvir Bhagatsinh published from Ahmadabad. Dhanvant Oza’s Shahide Azam Bhagat
Singh: Jivan, Srujan, Purusharth in 1987 created a larger interest among the Gujarati readers. Chandrakant Maheta’s Vir Bhagatsinh in 1988 was specially produced for the children. Another interesting book for children was written by Dharana Sheth as Bharatna Ghadyaiya: Shahid
Bhagat Singh in 2002. What is most interesting in the latter booklet is that the writer does not feel hesitant to talk about Bhagat Singh’s atheism to the children. She writes that when Bhagat Singh was asked to remember god he had retorted that he can never accept the stigma of
cowardice on the eve of gallows. The writer inspires the children that death got defeated at the
hands of Bhagat Singh and who could forget him among the revolutionaries of the world.17
Another Gandhian and eminent freedom fighter Usha Mehta wrote Amar Shahido in 2 parts in
1990 while Amrut Modi brought out his Sardar Bhagat Singh: Jivan karya ane Prerak
Prasango in 1999. Shantibhai Jani’s Amar Shahid Bhagatsinh was published in 2002. The writers sometimes feel difficult to handle Bhagat Singh’s atheism especially in the context of
16
Ibid. p. 414
17
ever-growing religiosity in Gujarat. They try to have their own interpretation. For an instance,
Shantilal Jani admits that Bhagat Singh was an atheist but at the same time poses the question
was he really an atheist? He argues that accepting non-belief in God as atheism is a narrow and incomplete view. He finds his rationale that Bhagat Singh’s goddess of worship was the goddess of revolution, the goddess of freedom.18
An interesting play ‘Itihasni Biji Baju’ (The Other Side of History) was written on life, work and ideas of Bhagat Singh for the stage in 1984. It was a full-length play of 4 and half hours
duration with cast over 70. It was based on well-researched readings by Hiren Gandhi and was to be staged by ‘Samvedan’ Drama troupe at Ahmedabad. The biographical play has a scene in which Gandhi-Irwin talks on the hanging of the national hero is referred to. That is discussed in the scene by three English officers in which phrases like “Gandhi’s image must be kept high in public” and “his agreement to hang Bhagat Singh before the [KarachI] Congress Session [24-26 March 1931]” are used. According to the prevalent law in the state the script of the play had to be approved by the ‘Script Scrutiny Board for the Theatre Performances’.19
The Director of the play Mr Hiren Gandhi rather than going through ‘agents’ who could easily get the certificate decided to approach the Board directly. After several rounds, the Board orally communicated to
the troupe to remove either the entire scene or any reference to Gandhiji. The writer produced Dr B Pattabhi Sitaramaiya’s 1935 “History of Indian National Congress”, 45th
volume of Mahatma Gandhi’s Collected Works and Lord Irwin’s autobiography “Fullness of Days” before Neerubhai Desai, the Chairman of Censor Board, to substantiate his claims. But without looking at the
sources Mr. Desai tried to convince Hiren Gandhi that how after killing Saunders, Bhagat Singh
burning with great guilt conscience one night sneaked into Gandhi Ashram and beseeching Gandhi’s forgiveness had broken down. Neerubhai authoritatively claimed he was witness to it. Hiren Gandhi was shocked to silence.20
As Hiren Gandhi continued his correspondence with Gandhinagar he also mobilized public
opinion especially of theatre personalities, writers, and intellectuals to completely abolish the
Censor Board. A meeting was organized in Premabhai Hall, Ahmedabad on 23 July 1984 which made Board’s member-secretary Pinakinbhai Trivedi to invite Hirenbhai to sort out matters. But
18
Shantibhai Jani, Amar Shahid Bhagatsinh, Rajkot: Praveen Pustak Bhandar, 2002, pp. 5, 126-27
19“Bhagat Singh: Drama about a Drama”, Indian Express
, Ahmedabad, 22 July 1984
20 Hiren Gandhi, “Pehal Vehli Bungiyo”, Hasmukh Baradi, Dr Sarup Dhruv and Hiren Gandhi (ed.), Gujarat Rajya
to his greater dismay Trivedi also did not bother to look at evidence and said: “Look, brother! We all call Gandhiji our Bapu. If our bapu (father) commits some mistake, we don’t talk about it outside. That’s how no criticism of Gandhiji in public is acceptable.” Thereafter many a Gandhians made allegations on Hiren Gandhi: ‘this boy is anti-national’; ‘distorts history’; ‘wants to incite Sikhsafter ‘Operation Blue Star’ by staging a play on a Sikh like ‘Bhagat Sinh’; ‘wants an armed rebellion against government’. Defying the Board’s delaying tactics Hiren Gandhi declared in the 26th July meeting to stage the play on 6th August by also inviting the
members of the Censor Board. The very next day, after 51 days of submitting the script, a
temporary certificate was issued on 27th July with directions to have the necessary cuts. Once
again the state directive was defied and the play was staged to the pack house without any cuts.21 If there had been the dominant Gandhian spirit, the Bhagat Singh’s spirit had again won in Gandhi’s own land.
References:
Baradi, Hasmukh, Dhruv, Sarup and Gandhi, Hiren (ed.), Gujarat Rajya Sanskritik karyakram Pramanpatra Board Nabudi Ladatna Aakha Daykano Dastavej (A Document on Decade-long Movement for Abolition of Gujarat State Cultural Programme Certification Board (Censor Board for Theatre), Ahmedabad 1994
Brahambhatt, Prahlad Damodardas, Lahore no Shahid Bhagat Singh: Jivan Parichay, Ahmadabad 1931
Dave, Kapilprasad Mahasukhbhai, Sardar Bhagat Singh ane Lahornu Kavatru, Ahmadabad 1931
Jani, Shantibhai, Amar Shahid Bhagatsinh, Rajkot: Praveen Pustak Bhandar 2002
Jani, Shantibhai, Dhiren Ala & Prakash Vagad, Amar Shahid Bhagat Singh, 1984
Maheta, Chandrakant, Vir Bhagatsinh, 1988
Mehta, Premnath & Mehta Yashwant, Shahidvir Bhagatsinh, Ahmadabad 1984
Mehta, Rasik, Tran Shahido: Bijo Shahid Sardar Bhagat Singh, Ahmedabad: Navbharat Sahitya Mandir, 1971
Mehta, Satyendraprasad Sankleshvar, Shahidoni Shrushti, Ahmadabad 1931
Mehta, Usha, Amar Shahido, Part 2, Ahmadabad 1990
Modi, Amrut, Sardar Bhagat Singh: Jivan karya ane Prerak Prasango, Ahmadabad 1999
Modi, Amrut, Sardar Bhagatsinh, Ahmadabad 1967
Oza, Dhanvant, Shahide Azam Bhagat Singh: Jivan, Srujan, Purusharth, Ahmadabad: Gyan Prasar Trust, 1987
Pandya, Kamlashankar, “Amar Shahid Bhagat Singh” in Gujarat Samachar of 23-03-1978
Pandya, Kamlashankar, Veran Jeevan: Swatantrya Sainik Shee Kamlashankar Pandyani Aatmakatha, Vadodara: Shree Kamlashankar Pandya Sanman Samiti, 1973
Shah, Kantilal, Kakori na Desh Bhakto, Balidan Kathao-2, Bhavnagar: Sanskar Sahitya Mandir, 1951
Shah, Kantilal, Shahid Gatha, bhag 1-2-3, Bhavnagar 1951
Shastri, Jayant, Sanat Mehta & Natwar Bhatt, eds, Ek Anokha Vyaktitva: Kamlashankar Pandya, Baroda: Naya Samaj, nd
Sheth, Dharana, Bharatna Ghadyaiya: Shahid Bhagat Singh, Mumbai & Ahmedabad: R R Sheth & Co, 2002
Yagnik, Indulal, Aatam Katha, 6 parts 1952-68
21
