attention in Russia. However, where Russia-China projects have a good chance to be realized, it is difficult to forecast the prospects of Russia- Korea transport project.
security relations with the neighboring Northeast Asian countries on a bilateral level. In this case, it is necessary to stress that the main purpose of Russia’s security policy in the region since the early 1990s was the improvement of relations with neighbors as well as of the security situation in the region in general in order to overcome the legacy of the
“Cold War”and old political conflicts.
For Russia it is especially important to improve its security relations with China. As the result of bilateral negotiations, the military forces of both countries have been reduced at the border areas and withdrawn to internal regions. This agreement improved confidence between the two countries and created a good political climate for improvement in security cooperation.
Russia-China security cooperation has been developing quickly since the early 1990s. It is possible to identify several different levels in such cooperation: inter-government cooperation; trade in arms and military equipment; cooperation between military personnel.
After a long pause, in the 1990s, Beijing and Moscow resumed regular consultations on military and security issues. Delegations of military personnel and experts from both countries pay visits to each other on a regular basis.
Russia’s export of arms and military equipment (about $2 billion annually) is a very important element of bilateral security cooperation.
Russia is one of the most important sources of modern arms for the Chinese Army and China (as well as India) is the largest export market for Russia’s military industry.
The new stage of security cooperation began in August 2005 as Russia and China launched their first-ever military exercises, “Peace Mission 2005,”in Primorie region in the Russian Far East and on China’s Shandong Peninsula.
As for Russia’s cooperation with other North East Asian countries, it is not as intimate as cooperation between Russia and China. Meanwhile, one can note that during the last decade the two-way exchanges of delegations of
military personnel and experts in Russia-South Korean and Russia-Japanese bilateral relations are expanding. Contacts between security and military experts (such as Russia-Japan rescue exercises) create a positive climate for future discussions on security issues. As a result, when emergency occurred, in summer 2005 Russia discussed a rescue operation with Japan in order to save the sinking Russian bathyscaphe near Kamchatka.
It is hard to claim that Russia and the North East Asian countries have already overcome old stereotypes and established closed security relations.
Nevertheless, it is necessary to emphasize that the North Asian countries and Russia are no longer afraid of each other. It does not mean, though, that there are no more sources for regional conflicts in Northeast Asia.
Regional Disputes and Conflicts
One of the priorities set up by the Putin administration is the creation of better political and security relations with the neighboring countries in order to reduce the disputes and prevent conflicts in Northeast Asia. The Kremlin’s policy, thus, should be characterized by taking into account this strategic plan.
For several decades the Russia’s disputes on territorial issues with China and Japan have been exerting negative influences on the bilateral relations and political climate in Northeast Asia. That is why the Putin administration pays so much attention to this issue. First of all, Russia is now focused on the territorial disputes with China. President Putin has already demonstrated the political will to resolve this problem within a short period of time. He began addressing the problem which his predecessors had failed to resolve for several decades. It was extremely difficult for them to find a compromise with the neighbors. Any compromise on this issue meant the jeopardy of territorial integrity and a very negative political reaction at home. After intensive and successful negotiations between China and Russia the treaty on border issues was
176-- Alexander Fedorovskiy
signed in spite of the rigid criticism and political resistance of the opposition inside and outside of Russian Parliament—the State Duma. This decision has a very positive effect on the Russia-China relations.
For the same compromise decision the Putin’s administration tried to grope together with Prime Minister Koizumi in order to give an impetus to the Russia-Japan’s relations. Ultimately, Moscow has put forward a proposal to return to the Moscow Declaration of 1956. However, Tokyo’s decision to decline Russia’s proposal and its rigid political position on the return of the four Kuril islands as the only possible decision of the territorial dispute have undermined the possibility of success in negotiations on the territorial issue. Putin’s policy towards Japan is rather flexible but it is difficult to expect him accepting the Japanese position on the territorial issue. It means that, at least in the foreseeable future, the Russia-Japan relations will be riddled by territorial disputes.
Migration to the Russian Far East from the Northeast Asian countries, especially from China, is another sensitive issue for Russia’s political relations with the neighboring Pacific countries. The growing migration, especially illegal migration, is a source of anti-China public sentiments in Russia. According to the recent opinion poll conducted in August 2005, some 60% of Russian population is afraid of further expansion of the Chinese migration to Russia, especially into the Russian Far East.9)
There are two solutions to this problem. The first one is to curtail the number of immigrants going to Russia. This idea is absolutely unrealistic because Russia’s economic development largely depends on the import of labor force.
The second possible solution is to make the immigration process civilized. This latter solution is more pragmatic and sensible. It seems that Russia is inclined to adopt a more pragmatic decision. On one hand,
9)Izvestia (in Russian), 16, 08, 2005.
Russia tries to limit illegal immigration. On the other hand, immigration regime will be modified in order to support the legal migration as part of federal economic policy.
In a large scale, regional security is linked to the situation on the Korean Peninsula. However, there is no evidence that the six nations are ready to discuss the situation on the Korean Peninsula in the context of regional security and stability. It is now the task for Russia and other negotiators to support the establishment if regional institutions adequate to the new realities in Northeast Asia. The primary purpose of these institutions would be to improve regional confidence and to overcome the Cold War legacy by stimulating regional security, economic, and humanitarian cooperation.