Contextualising the journey
CHAPTER 1 The Journey begins
2.2 Genealogical Analysis
2.2.4 Post-colonial sexuality education
2.2.4.1 Curriculum change in Lesotho‟s sexuality education
After independence in 1966, educational programs which needed to be supported within poor African countries were identified by the United Nations and other donor agencies, and they supplied foreign expertise and funds (Ansell, 2002). This supported education focused less on what the country needed for its children to attain their true potential, and more on educating and training workers who would supply the international markets with goods and services. This led to several African states including Lesotho being brought into economic colonisation (Ansell, 2002; Muzvidziwa & Seotsanyana, 2002).
Muzvidziwa and Seotsanyana (2002) argue that:
globalisation means that nations like Lesotho are being integrated within the ambit of global markets and value systems not at their own terms but at the dictate of powerful western nations whose vested interests, be they economic, cultural and political, are to further the interests of these powerful nations at the expense of the weaker nations... (p. 13)
From these arguments, I want to highlight that developing countries such as Lesotho ended up implementing curriculum policies that were not in line with the country‟s needs just because they had to satisfy the donor agencies or countries that supported their education. It has been argued that as new democracies, most African countries face the challenge of each new government pursuing its own political goals through the education system without necessarily following up on the previous government‟s good programs (Chisholm, 2004; Hartshorne, 1992; Meredith, 2005). As a result, I believe that many countries find themselves starting new educational programs with each new government and this is also true for Lesotho.
Chivaura (1998, p. 66) argues that African countries need:
to empty the European-oriented content of syllabi in our schools, colleges and universities, and introduce an educational content that will instil in our people a sense of pride in their own culture and identity as Africans…
additionally, Zlotnik (1986) points out that true education strives to develop in students an understanding of their culture, history, and where they are going in life. True education teaches students to appreciate humanity and lead meaningful lives. These arguments are not meant to reify culture (Taylor, 2006) as the best option for the educational needs of Lesotho. They are meant to highlight the importance of culture in identity formation and the shaping of one‟s perceptions on life. This is especially important in this study because the meanings made of the women teachers‟ experiences of teaching sexuality education are grounded in the socially constructed realities of rural Basotho ways of life in relation to sexuality (cf. Campbell & Williams, 1999; Campbell, 2003; Taylor, 2006) which are steeped in cultural practices.
Muzvidziwa and Seotsanyana (2002) report on a national conference held in Lesotho in 1988 whose aims were transformation and restructuring of the education system. The government wanted to gain control of schools in order to implement an education system that would be appropriate for the Basotho nation. The government‟s aspirations through the conference failed, despite the backing of donor agencies, because church proprietors refused to cooperate in giving up control of schools.
Despite this challenge, as Lesotho became part of the global world and participated in global debates on health and sexuality, the government of Lesotho reviewed its curriculum with the aim of making it to better serve its nation, and proposed the Population and Family Life Education (POP/FLE) Framework in 2004, which was to be integrated across the curriculum (Mturi & Hennink, 2005). This framework contained issues of sexuality, family and population dynamics. Every teacher was expected to infuse or integrate cross-cutting issues such as sexuality and HIV and AIDS into their lessons. This became problematic as teachers did not include these issues in their teaching, assuming other teachers were covering the work. Table 2.1 shows part of the POF/FLE framework on Human sexuality which was part of the topic of Sexual reproduction, HIV and AIDS.
Theme Sub-theme Knowledge and Understanding
4. Human Sexuality Sexual abuse Define sexual abuse Describe different forms of sexual abuse
Identify groups of people who are vulnerable to sexual abuse e.g. people with disability, children, women, prisoners, the elderly and herd boys etc.
Personal Hygiene and Sexuality
Describe the importance of personal care and cleanliness of sexual reproductive organs of males and females Explain the norms related to sexuality Sexual Orientation Define sexual
orientation (sexual inclination/
preference)
Table 2.1 Sexual Reproduction, health, HIV and AIDS (Adapted from the Lesotho 2004 POP/FLE framework pp.38- 39)
It is interesting to note that under the theme of human sexuality the first issue is that of sexual abuse. This, in my opinion, reflects the negative and moralistic teachings of the church on sexuality (highlighting the negatives aspects more than the positive). This sub- theme serves as a warning to children that they should be wary of their sexuality because it could lead them into trouble, or place them at risk of being sexually abused. The sub- theme following this one also deals with warnings and dangers. Issues of hygiene involve warnings about diseases that could infect one if she is sexually active and not keeping herself clean.
The whole section of sexual reproduction, health, HIV and AIDS in the framework of POP/FLE has no section which deals with pleasurable sexuality and desire. This kind of approach paints a scary picture of sex and sexuality for children. This makes it easy for children to believe everything portrayed by the media showing human sexuality as pleasurable and fun. The syllabus and teaching of sexuality education clearly shows how the curriculum serves the interests of the elite and how schools perpetuate the beliefs and values of those in power- in this case the church. The contestation around sexuality education and HIV and AIDS education is testament to the fact that the curriculum is the battleground for competing ideologies (cf. Ingham, 2005).
The government of Lesotho opted for sexuality education as a subject to be infused and integrated into existing subject areas using the POP/FLE framework. However, following the example of other southern African countries and with funding from UNICEF, Lesotho introduced LSE, a standalone subject, as the niche for sexuality education and HIV and AIDS education in 2007, thus ensuring that there will be teachers specifically assigned the teaching of the subject, other than in the past when every teacher was expected to teach about sexuality and none did (see Motalingoane-Khau, 2007b).
Workshops for dissemination and training were held country-wide for teachers who would be responsible for facilitating LSE. The LSE syllabus shows what should be taught to Basotho children from primary school Standard 4 to Form C. In Table 2.2 and 2.3 I only show the syllabus for Form A to Form C (Grade 8- 11) for Sexual and reproductive health and Dealing with HIV and AIDS respectively.
Form A (p. 4) Form B (p. 19) Form C (p. 34)
Importance of abstinence during adolescence Resisting negative peer and other pressures during adolescence
Managing sexual feelings during adolescence- importance of abstinence
Activities that may help one to abstain Reporting sexual abuse
Support services available to victims of sexual abuse Support service available to teenage parents and victims of sexual abuse
Table 2.2 Sexual and Reproductive Health (Adapted from the Lesotho 2007 Life Skills Education syllabus)
Form A (p. 12) Form B (p. 26) Form C (p. 41) Ways of HIV
transmission HIV and AIDS prevention
Prevalence of HIV and AIDS at national level Impact of HIV and AIDS
Factors promoting the spread of HIV and AIDS- lack of knowledge and poverty
Prevention of HIV infection- abstinence Stigma and
discrimination
Support service given by international organisations (UNAIDS, World Vision, Red Cross, WHO, UNICEF, Churches) Voluntary counselling and testing services Support services available for people infected and affected by HIV and AIDS Table 2.3 Dealing with HIV and AIDS (Adapted from the Lesotho 2007 Life Skills Education syllabus)
The introduction of the LSE syllabus got mixed reactions from the society. Church leaders, according to Mturi and Hennink (2005), were notable in resisting the change.
More specifically, the LSE policy created controversy and contestation among churches as stakeholders in education and the Ministry of Education as policy-makers. Beyond this, the LSE curriculum can also be seen as a surface manifestation of “deeper historical, structural and ideological contradictions in educational policy” (Grace, 1995, p. 3) in Lesotho. This implies that the LSE curriculum policy reflects Lesotho‟s heritage of missionary and colonial education in relation to issues of sexuality.
The LSE syllabus has no section dealing with sexual orientation, an important aspect of adolescent sexuality which is not understood by Basotho communities. This could be because Christianity and Basotho tradition deem heterosexuality as the only appropriate option. Jeffreys (1991) has argued that heterosexuality is the eroticisation of gender inequality. He states that:
Heterosexual desire is eroticised power difference…so heterosexual desire for men is based on eroticising the otherness of women, an otherness, which is based on a difference in power…Women‟s subordination is sexy for men and for women too… (pp. 299- 302)
The argument raised by Jeffreys (1991) highlights the reasons for the desirability of heterosexuality in Christianity and Basotho traditions which are both hetero-patriarchal.
Thus the influence of the moral teachings of the church is visible in the absence of homosexuality (cf. Bhattacharyya, 2002) in the LSE syllabus. While Basotho communities argue that homosexuality does not exist among their people, this does not deny the fact that there are many homosexual individuals within Lesotho who are not free to „come out‟ and enjoy their sexual identity (Epprecht, 2000; Gay, 1986; Kendall, 1999).
The teachings of the church on homosexuality are that it is an evil existence which is a curse on those who practice it. This argument is based on the Bible story of creation that God created all animals male and female and no other animal ever mates with its own sex. Reddy (2009, p. 352) writes that in an interview, one “Phumlani Nxumalo maintained that, „I‟m appalled…even animals of the same sex don‟t take this route.‟” He also highlights another interviewee who stated that “man has indeed turned his face from God” (Reddy, 2009, p. 353). These quotes show that homosexual individuals are regarded by some Christians as more detestable, immoral and baser than animals. Reddy (2005, p. 6) argues that “for the majority of our societies, African homosexuals constitute
„improper‟ bodies and homosexuality a „subversive‟ pleasure”. This view to homosexuality makes it difficult for homosexual Basotho individuals to be honest about their sexual identities for fear of being labelled as outcasts.
The LSE syllabus is also silent on healthy and pleasurable sexuality. Jolly (2007) and Ingham (2005) argue that promoting sexual pleasure in education can contribute to empowering sexual minorities such as LGBT‟s who may have been subject to social expectations that sexual pleasure is not for them. They, however, observe that sex in developing countries has been associated with risk, vulnerability, ill-health and violations of rights. It has never been associated with pleasure and love. It is seen as something to be controlled and contained (cf. Correa, 2002; Klugman, 2000; Petchesky, 2005). Despite
this, Jolly states that “the pleasures of safer sex can also be promoted to reduce HIV/AIDS transmission and improve health.” (2007, p. 3). Tamale also argues that:
…when we go beyond conventional research paradigms on African sexuality (which primarily focuses on reproduction, violence and disease) to explore the area of desire and pleasure, we gain deeper insights into this complex subject matter… (2005, p. 18).
These scholars argue for the importance of promoting pleasurable sexuality to reduce risk behaviours. The absence of sexual pleasure in sexuality discourses in Lesotho therefore means the perpetuation of the church‟s moralistic teachings on sex for procreation only.
With schools not being able to teach children that sex should be pleasurable and that safer sex could be even more pleasurable because risks are reduced, young people end up with wrong information from peers and the media.
The syllabus does not mention condom usage even when dealing with prevention of HIV infections. The emphasis is on abstinence throughout. Abstinence is a major teaching of the church in relation to adolescent sexuality. Children who are taught only about abstinence do not learn about their bodies enough for them to understand its desires;
hence they become vulnerable to infections and pregnancies. The church condones sex within a heterosexual marriage, and only for procreation. Thus the church, especially the Catholic Church, argues that children do not need to know about sex and contraception because they are not adults or married. The basis of this argument is that teaching children about sex would make them want to practice it thus leading to early sexual activity and promiscuity (Guzman, 2003; Izugbara, 2005; Lewis et al., 2001). The belief is that children are sexually innocent and should be protected from any corrupting sexual knowledge. This discourse is predominant within developing as well as developed countries (Bhana, 2003, 2007, 2009; Epstein & Johnson, 1998; Epstein et al., 2003;
Mitchell, Walsh, & Larkin, 2004; Oshi & Nakalema, 2005; Reddy, 2003, 2005; Renold, 2005).
The challenge of preaching abstinence only for adolescents is that it is not realistic in this era of sexual abuse, HIV and AIDS. For example, firstly, an adolescent girl could choose
to abstain, but get raped and thus abstinence could not help her against infection (Leach, 2002). Secondly, with the increase in numbers of parents and guardians dying of AIDS, adolescents find themselves having to resort to risky practices such as prostitution to support their families and thus knowing about other ways of preventing HIV infection (such as proper condom usage) could save their lives. Thirdly, whether we want to acknowledge it or not, children are sexual beings too. Not teaching them about their sexuality and all it entails does not mean they are clueless or ignorant.
Today‟s generation of children is born within a media system that often bombards them with messages based on sex, sexuality and body image. What they do not get from the media they get from their peers. Lastly, Basotho children today experiment with sex at a young age, with the age of sexual debut as early as nine years (BoS, 2001); and hence teaching about abstinence only to such children does not make sense. While we wish that they could wait until marriage to indulge in sexual intercourse, the reality is our classrooms are filled with sexually active youngsters who need to know how to care for themselves so that they do not get infected with HIV and other sexually transmitted infections.
Therefore the main claim of this section is that the heritage of the Christian missionary work in education continues to impact the present LSE curriculum policy. Since the inception of formal Christian missionary education, the Church‟s moralistic teachings have enjoyed hegemony within the education system by excluding traditional teachings and other educational discourses. The Church, as proprietor, supports and funds abstinence-only teachings within its schools. The present LSE curriculum still reflects continued hegemony by giving a privileged space to the Christian moralistic teachings.
The church‟s demand for abstinence-only sexuality education manifests its unwillingness to allow other human sexuality discourses equal space in the school curriculum.
Slattery (2006, p. 83) offers a solution to this problem by suggesting that:
Curriculum development in the postmodern era must include…autobiographical testimonies of many people from all religions, spiritualities, and cultures to help us understand - not convert or condemn - the rich diversity of our community.
Thus, drawing from Slattery (2006), the primary concern of sexuality education curriculum theory and practice in Lesotho should be about informing, not condemning the learners. Sexuality education should be “meaningfully connected to current events, life experiences, and personal autobiographies” (Slattery, 2006, p. 86) of Basotho learners and teachers in a manner that they will better understand and respect each other‟s sexual identities and sexual practices without condemnation or trying to convert others towards the norm.