LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
CHAPTER 5: URBANISATION, SLUMS AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
5.5 Urbanisation and slums in Africa
5.5.1 Urbanisation and slums in South Africa
5.5.1.2 Meeting the challenge of informal settlements in South Africa
addressing the affordable housing demand through formally planned channels. South Africa's post Apartheid housing vision or plan, through applying the term informal settlement eradication may be entrusted as a broadly responsive and in parts transformative approach. However, the fact that reception areas as a response to rapid urbanisation of the poor are envisaged in the policy the tendency in South Africa is to focus on the forceful prevention of post Apartheid land invasions in the absence of a working model for structured and legalised informality (Department of Housing, 2004).
In countries with transforming policies, including South Africa, the complex process of informal settlement upgrading is usually slow. Ambitious programmes are seldom completed within the anticipated framework (in Brazil, for example, see Huchzermeyer, 2004b). In Rio de Janeiro's extensive Favela-Bairro programme of the late 1990s and early 2000s, the tendency was to neglect the less cosmetic goals of community participation, regularisation and income generation. The associated limits to redressing socio-Iegal exclusion in Rio de Janeiro have been highlighted (Souza, 2005). In South Africa, there are fears that Cape Town's N2 Gateway Project, which targets informal settlements along the freeway from the airport to the historic centre of the city, may repeat these mistakes (Houston, 2005).
The most famous among such struggles were probably those of the people of Crossroads near Cape Town (Cole, 1987). Since the scrapping of influx control in 1986, there has been in principle, no legal obstacle to settlement in the urban areas.
Leadership positions in squatter settlements often seem to be usurped by warlords.
The leadership of these warlords often assumes quasi-traditional forms (Phillips &
Swilling, 1988:41), with some authority delegated to headmen appointed by the warlord. The right to acquire land in an informal settlement is also subordinate to the acceptance of the political authority of the warlord, which is similar to the situation in tribal tenure areas. Informal taxes also have to be paid to the warlord, which is often not accounted for (Phillips & Swilling, 1988; Cole, 1987).
Urbanisation accompanied by massive rural to urban migration is universally regarded as an inevitable development process for almost all economies (Lewis, 1955; Kuznets, 1966; Shenerys & Syrquin, 1975; Todaro, 2000). Associated with this development is the demand for affordable urban housing. Like elsewhere, self-help housing emerges from the crisis associated with the incapacity of government to meet its citizens' need for housing. Although, there is some harsh criticism against the practice of self-help housing, such as it deepens social inequality, as mentioned in the previous chapter
advocates of self-help housing such as Turner (1972), Mathey (1992) argue that it can constitute the housing solution for poor urban population.
5.5.1.2 (a) Supporting informal settlements in South Africa
Informal settlements and the associated form of Self-help housing are part of almost every urban area in South Africa and represent the dominant form of housing delivery for the urban poor. In spite of the massive housing delivery effort of the South African government over the past five years, the rate of housing delivery has barely kept pace with the rate of post Apartheid household formation.
Despite the predominance of informal settlements and growing housing backlogs, there has been concerted effort by the State to deal comprehensively by supporting informal settlements in the post Apartheid period. The phenomenon of informal settlements and details on how they were viewed and dealt with particularly by the authorities, date back to colonial times in South Africa (Parnell & Hart, 1999). Given this historical perspective, Marx (2003) argues that informal settlements and the associated forms of Self-help housing have not emerged by accident; however, it is an expression of urban development (Obudo et ai, 1988).
South Africa has a dual human settlement pattern, the formal and the informal.
According to Hasan (1999) this duality obscures the 'informality' and 'illegality' that informs everyday life in the 'formal' world. Where 'informal' is equated with inferior, the solution is to make the informal settlements more formal and hence improve it.
Some of the answers lie in the complexity of the spatiality of informal settlements themselves (Huchzermeyer, 1999). As a form of urban development, informal settlements mediate and represent the legal, social, economic, environmental and political forces of the day. Another set of answers lies in reconstructing the narrowly maintained disciplinary boundaries dealing with housing and the view that policy and legislation are essentially neutral instruments (Fernandes & Varley, 1998).
Given the complexities surrounding the issue of informal settlements (Baumann et ai, 2004), one may argue that it is deeply embedded and form part of social, political and economic relationships, and that the key may not necessarily be one of 'improving' informal settlements, but one of 'supporting' informal settlements. According to Roux (2004), one of the ways to support informal settlements is, to protect the rights of inhabitants of informal settlements including their right to access adequate housing and
to initiate effective provision for informal settlements upgrading. Likewise, other authors such as Baumann and Huchzermeyer (2004) and Wimpey (2004) pointed out that supporting informal settlements should lead to a clear understanding of poor households' livelihood and asset management strategies.
The question that arises is why the government must support informal settlements.
Does it not mean that through this process, the state is supporting illegality and encouraging other poor households to invade land for meeting their housing need?
5.5.1.2 (b) Informal settlement: economic activities
Baumann (2003b) based his argument on an ethical point of view to support informal settlements in general and informal economy in particular. He argues that many, if not most, poor households in South Africa permanently inhabit the 'informal economy', and it is unethical and politically dangerous to ignore their needs. Thus, economic activities in informal settlements, which leads to an informal economy is the response to the inability of formal economy or the first economy to create enough jobs to benefit the majority of South Africans, more specifically unskilled labour and urban poor households. Referring to Baumann (2003b), one may argue that supporting informal settlements is synonymous to helping the poor households to enhance their livelihood strategies and improve their living conditions and enter in formal economy in the long run.
As informal-sector home ownership presented an affordable and feasible way to secure shelter for urban poor families, it seems reasonable for the South African government to support informal settlements and in turn an informal economy. According to Baumann (2003a) most urban poor households, especially unskilled ones rely on micro-economic activities. Thus, poverty alleviation that constitutes the keystone of South African policies entails the State's support of urban poor economic activities, such as the development of micro credit that suits the needs of urban poor households, including their need for adequate and affordable shelter.
Likewise, Keivani and Werna (2001) noted that in developing countries, the informal modes of housing provision or informal settlements constitutes the direct way for the urban poor to satisfy their housing need and to participate as residents of formal settlements in 'city life'. Therefore, developing countries including South Africa should consider informal form of housing delivery, as the housing provision allows a large number of urban poor to find affordable shelter. In this sense, informal settlements
represent a valuable addition to housing stock. In South Africa, this state of affairs is exemplified by Tomlinson (2006) when she pointed out that an increase has been observed in the number of households seeking accommodation in informal settlements, backyard shacks and overcrowded formal black township houses.
Similarly, Charlton (2004) further argues that in South Africa, informal settlements and subdivided warehouses in cities has become de facto an alternative for the urban poor to the state-housing programme. Indeed, Charlton (2004) observed that the informal mode of housing delivery is meeting at least some of the needs of the poor, including housing need and the way to strengthen their livelihood strategies. It appears that the
"State is forced to tolerate and accommodate a certain degree of illegality and irregularity" (Keivani & Warna, 2001, 271). In other words, given the incapacity of the South African government to effiCiently provide adequate and affordable shelter through state housing programmes to all poor urban populations, the focus should not be only limited to subsidise low-cost housing, but should also be extended to what is happening in the informal sector.
However, for the state, the illegality of these settlements and the dwellers need for urban services and legal tenure has presented an opportunity for political manipulation, as improvements in the city services were tied to electoral patronage. The political influence often plays an important role in the design of a relatively low cost public housing assistance programs and policies (Collier, 1976; Castell, 1992; Hardoy &
Satterwaite, 1986; Burgess, 1988). Specifically, governments found greater possibilities for constituency building through intervention in the area of low-cost informal home ownership. In South Africa, the case of Joe Siovo Village in Port Elizabeth, Eastern Cape, which was seeking to secure land and housing for a large number of desperate people living in intolerable conditions, illustrates the exploitation by political aspiration and party politics, which resulted in deepening confusion and conflict (Huchzermeyer, 2006).
In addition to inadequate attention on informal sector activities and informal-sector home ownership, Housing Policy that focuses merely on the conditions of squatter settlements does not benefit the poor equally across all household types. Some authors such as Charlton (2004) pointed out that although, there is a growing awareness of the heterogeneity of the urban poor and the role that women play in the households, some laws still discriminate against women. With regard to the Housing Policy, it has been observed that single mothers, who first received housing subsidies
when living with their husbands, are no longer eligible to receive housing subsidy grants again. Clearly, South African Housing Policy is involved in a discriminatory practice of housing assistance that favours the demographic composition of households with both the partners.
The overarching notion of the discussion above indicates that housing analysis and research cannot aggregate the poor into a homogenous group based on income, therefore, it is assumed that a universal emphasis on informal-sector home ownership will benefit all. Variations in household composition based on the gender and age of the head of the household, plays an important role in determining appropriate housing options for the poor.
The main concern of international community more specifically UNCHS (1996) is to deal with the issue of rapid urbanisation process in a sustainable manner, which will guarantee both the adequate living conditions of the urban poor and the preservation of our living environment. However, one may ask how to achieve sustainable development, aimed at economic growth. Although economic growth should be included in sustainable development, environment preservation, improvement of social aspects of people, more specifically urban poor and cultural diversity should be a part of sustainable development as well.
Social aspects in relation with fair political and social systems allow people not only to improve their living conditions, but also to freely undertake their actions. How do people living in informal settlements and slums improve their housing conditions, if they are living under a constant threat of eviction? This shows that informal settlements and slums are unsustainable. UNCHS (1996) urges governments to put in place social justice and a democratic system allowing people to participate in decision making related to them and which improve the living conditions of the people including intellectual, emotional, moral and spiritual aspects. Charlton and Zack (2003) who studied low-cost housing in Africa, pointed out that residents worry about the future of their children as they live in an environment (far away from urban centres) which does not provide economic, social, political and cultural opportunities. It can also be argued that subsidised housing lacks social sustainability. Social aspects of sustainable development reveal that people, more specifically poor households should be the beneficiaries or the target of economic development.
Another important aspect to achieve sustainable development is the preservation of the diversity of cultures. Culture refers to the experience of people and allows understanding of people's activities. It is the way people think, perceive and approach realities. Modernisation Theory, which aims to destroy 'traditional culture' and to privilege 'modern culture', seems to be contrary to sustainable development. Referring to housing, Spiegel et al (1996) stresses the role of diversity in housing delivery, which must conform to the diversity of cultures. In this sense, low-cost housing in South Africa is unsustainable since it ignores the needs of migrants who are temporary residents, and only focus on the needs of permanent residents.
Besides the aspects analysed above, to deal with rapid urbanisation in a sustainable manner, this thesis emphasises the role of the spatial form in achieving sustainable development. It also argues that low-cost or subsidised housing in South Africa lacks the importance of place and the pleasant neighbourhood in the improvement of living conditions of the poor households'. The debate below will focus on urbanisation and sustainability in general and South Africa in particular.