LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
CHAPTER 4: THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
4.3 The Movement Economic Theory and locational configurations
There have been numerous evaluation studies undertaken on human settlements.
However, most of these studies have been orientated to the identification of social and economic variables that could be affecting the settlement process, without much consideration being given to the locational variables.
The theoretical background is that locatioal configuration can ultimately affect complex social processes, including patterns of movement. This has the potential to impinge on the development of the type of social community and economic activity. Researchers have already found that the locational configuration of streets play an influential role in determining differences in the concentration of movement (Peponis et ai, 1989; Hillier et ai, 1993; Read, 1997; Penn et ai, 1998). As patterns of movement affect land and space use, the spatial configuration seems to be critical at the budding stage of many social processes like the building of community networks, the development of commercial activity, the levels of crime and the satisfaction with the neighbourhood.
Therefore, it is conjectured that spatial configuration could play a significant role in accounting for diverse experiences in the consolidation of human settlements.
This research thesis will relate to a generic socio-spatial process described by Hillier (2001) by which urban space is built, lived and understood. Three basic papers published by Hillier supports the theory that the locational configuration of settlements does contribute to its sustainability. This process described by him is as follows:
"In Natural Movement (Hillier et al 1993), it was shown that the structure of the urban grid has systematic and independent effects on movement patterns, which could be captured by integrated analysis of an axial map. In Cities as Movement Economies (Hillier, 1996a), it was shown that natural movement and the urban grid itself impacted on land use patterns, by attracting movement seeking uses such as retail to locations with high natural movement and sending non- seeking uses such as residences to low natural movement locations.
This then attracts more movement to the high movement locations and this in turn attracts further uses, creating a spiral of multiplier effects, resulting in an urban pattern of dense mixed use areas set against a background of more homogeneous, mainly residential development. In Centrality as a Process' (Hillier, 2000) it was then shown that these processes not only responded to the well-defined configurational properties of the urban grid, but also initiated changes in it by adapting the local grid conditions in the mixed movement areas in the direction of greater local intensification and metric integration through smaller scale blocks and more trip efficient, permeable structures" (Hillier, 2001).
The multiplier effect from movement patterns to land use distribution, triggered by spatial factors, therefore needs to be examined in settlement planning and consolidation. As put forward in Hillier et al (1998a; 2000) the principal findings of the European Union (EU) study of developing cities, the North American stage of research can be summarised as follows:
"Spatial and locational factors especially, the layout of the settlement and its relation to the urban context, have played a major role in the development of the settlements and the different degrees to which, they have become consolidated. The critical spatial factor in the development of the settlements/neighbourhoods is the degree to which the settlement is able to develop 'edge orientated commercial activity' through its outward facing edges, and participate in wider local economy. The critical spatial property that sparks off the process
is 'local spatial advantage', meaning the degree to which the
settlement is spatially integrated with respect to its local contextual area. A prime determinant of the development of this type of economic activity is the direct adjacency of outward facing settlement edges to streets and roads with significant local vehicular movement,
and the accessibility of the internal layout of the settlement to the lines on which this occurs. Where this 'edge orientated commercial activity' is strong, the overall level of self generated economic activity in the settlement increases. This then has series of beneficial effects: the reported experience of mugging and burglary (but not necessarily of drugs and alcohol) in the settlement is lower, there is a greater consolidation of houses, and there is a higher level of community development" .
There are several authors (Jacobs, 1961; Coleman, 1986; Newman, 1992), who have contributed to the understanding of the socio-spatial relation. A case in question is Jacobs, who identified sound clues for understanding the role of the traditional street in every day life (Jacobs, 1961), but has been misinterpreted more than once. In fact, she has been cited for theoretical justification of projects that practically eliminate the street and replace it by controlled areas, under the idea of producing a 'defensible space' (Newman, 1972; Coleman, 1986).
In the EU studies of the North American settlements, the relation between social and spatial variables has been studied mainly through comparative studies between different typologies of social housing. Among these were comparisons of morphologically different settlements with respective analYSis of their level of satisfaction and consolidation. The recommendations of these studies emphasise the importance of origin, management and social participation, in the future outcome of different housing settlements. Without underestimating the importance of these studies, which are the basis for the development of post Apartheid design and management proposals, they tend to offer recommendations that. are either too general in that they are little more than declarations of good will or too specific, in that they respond to special cases.
Both the international classic contributions and the EU study have suffered from a lack of objective spatial descriptions that would allow the authors to build complex yet applicable recommendations. The aim of this research is therefore to draw together the EU experience in the social study of human settlements with the English theoretical and methodological approach to the spatial aspects. The goal is to improve the understanding of the differential in consolidation process of neighbourhoods by incorporating spatial variables into the analysis.