2.3 Plurality: A Fusion of Ethnicity and Religious Diversity
2.3.1 Ethnicity
Members of an ethnic group are cognisant of the existence of common interests peculiar to them (Peterson, Novak, and Gleason, 1982: 2). De Vos (2006: 4) views an ethnic group as ‘a self-perceived inclusion of those who hold in common a set of traditions not shared by others with whom they are in contrast’. He further posits that things that make an ethnic group distinct from other ethnic groups are religious beliefs and practices, a feeling of historical continuity, as well as common extraction or place of origin (De Vos, 2006: 4). Ethnic groups can be conceptualised as a culture-bearing unit that shares a common culture, a social organisation, and a certain category of people with a basic identity (Yusoff and Sarjoon, 2016:
147).
Ukiwo (2005: 8) submits that an ethnic group is a group of people who share a common identity that distinguishes them from others. Therefore, ethnic groups always get involved in conflicts and compete for scarce resources with other ethnic groups (Ojo, 2009: 384). In a similar vein, on the dichotomy between members of an ethnic group and non-members, an ethnic group is ‘a group whose members share a common identity and affinity based on
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common language and culture, myth of common origin and a territorial homeland, which become the basis for differentiating ‘us’ from ‘them’, and upon which people act’. (Osaghae, 1995: 13).This study adopts this definition because it represents the description of an ethnic group in Nigeria. Members of an ethnic group in Nigeria take the identity of their ethnic group before acknowledging being a Nigerian and portray members of other ethnic groups as being inferior. Hence, the importance of carrying out a study on national integration in Nigeria.
There is conscious unity about ethnic identity among the members of an ethnic group albeit such consciousness may be a mirage or misguided (Ake, 1993: 1). The interactions between the ethnic groups in a political society characterised by ethnic diversity produce ethnicity (Ikpe, 2009: 680). The existence of more than one ethnic group in a state make ethnicity possible (Adamu and Ocheni, 2016: 7; Ikpe, 2009: 680; Onwuzuruigbo, 2010: 1801).
Ethnicity is beyond cultural differences, but it is culturally historical (Igwara, 2001: 88).
Ethnicity is a phenomenon that is historically snowballing because past wrongs, inequalities and conflicts provide a framework that shapes how members of an ethnic group relate with the state or members of other ethnic groups (Osaghae, 2003b: 58). Hence, an ethnic group changes due to people’s entry and exit, historical changes, change in social and cultural settings (Salamone, 1997:304). Clothing, language, and behaviour make boundaries that distinguish an ethnic group from another (Salamone, 1997:304). ‘Ethnic groups come into being, mutate, split, merge, and, even, disappear’ (Salamone, 1997:304). Human creativity is not necessarily changing one’s ethnic group but how members of an ethnic group relate with other groups. For instance, in Nigeria, before the creation of the Mid-West region in 1963, the Binis had familiar relations with the Yorubas, but after the creation, the former saw itself as a different ethnic group and distinguished itself from the latter (Osaghae, 2003b: 58).
Osaghae linked ethnicity to the economy because the implementation of economic programmes affects social, political, and economic relations among the ethnic groups (Osaghae, 1995: 6). Political elites play the roles of ethnic/communal voices, and they contend with other communal patrons for the shares of their communities from the ‘national cake’ and their rewards as patrons (Ikpe, 2009: 683). In response, members of the communities support their leaders irrespective of the fact that they know that the latter most times hold positions for personal aggrandisement (Ikpe, 2009: 683-684). Membership of an
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ethnic group has been seen as an epitome of political, economic, and social groups who enjoy some prerogatives for belonging to the group (Salamone, 1997: 304).
Ethnic groups in a multi-ethnic state have the wherewithal to mobilise their members politically, and this may threaten the stability of such state (Ibrahim, 1994: 16-17). In multi- ethnic states, different groups try to outsmart other competing groups in the society to be politically, economically, religiously and culturally supreme (Kalu and Oguntoyinbo, 2012:
88). The competition for state power as well as economic and social benefits result in ethnic politics and lead to conflict, and a means to challenge state validity (Osaghae, 2003b: 71).
The major reason why people struggle for political power is premised on the politics of allocation, and this makes competition among groups in a multi-ethnic state inevitable and brutal (Odeyemi, 2014: 5). This view is supported by Adamu and Ocheni (2016: 13); Appiah, Arko-Achemfuor, and Adeyeye (2018: 7) and Mahoney (2018: 179) who submit that in many African states, different ethnic groups have been brought into conflict due to the struggle for political power as it is seen that having access to power, secures access to the nation’s resources. Many African countries had similar ethnic situations after independence. For example, Nigeria, Liberia, Burundi, Rwanda, Angola, Zaire, Sudan, and Ethiopia (Ikpe, 2009:
684).
Ethnic segregation is also responsible for the existence of majority and minority ethnic groups. Most countries of the world have at least one ethnic group that is a target of discrimination, and such groups have organised themselves to channel, promote and defend their interests (Yusoff and Sarjoon, 2016: 148). Ethnic minorities experience discrimination and domination by the majority groups in many spheres, because of their numerical strengths, inferiority, and some historical and sociological factors (Osaghae, 1998: 3). However, there are exceptions to this in the sense that some minorities are not dominated, but they dominate others. The Fulanis in Northern Nigeria is an example (Osaghae, 1998: 3).
Ethnicity is like two sides of a coin that represents alienation and branding of identity and these warrant situations where rights, opportunities and privileges are derivatives of who you are and where you come from (Mahoney, 2018: 179; Odeyemi, 2014: 2). This assertion aligns with (Osaghae, 1995: 11) who defined ethnicity ‘as the employment or mobilization of ethnic identity and difference to gain an advantage in situations of competition, conflict, or
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cooperation’. For this study, this definition will be used. This is because ethnicity has been the basis for antagonism, dispute, and cooperation in Nigeria.